Transcription
How long do you think Trump has to really get things done? Six months? Outside a year?
But six—first the first 100 days, first six months. He’s got to be getting all three. He’s got to personally get involved in bringing to a conclusion the Ukraine war. I think also this Middle East situation, particularly with the Persians getting close to a nuclear weapon, as he warned about.
And I think on the border, the first reconciliation—Miller and Homan, the deportations bill, the wall—and then the financial and economic crisis. I think outside a year, I would put it as, for planning purposes, 100 days to six months. You got to get on with it.
And I mean, this is my point: you got to be driving this thing every day. I wouldn’t even take off. If we were on the team, I wouldn’t even take off even Christmas Day. I’d be grinding every second of every day because they’re lying in wait.
Remember, they’re going to put a billion dollars in the back of Hakeem Jeffries to flip a handful of seats in the House in 2026. The first thing Hakeem Jeffries is going to do is he promises to his donors: impeach Trump. We’re not out of this; we’re far from being out. Even everything we accomplished—extraordinary, you and everybody on the media side in this new ecosystem inspiring people, the people coming out and doing it.
This is a people’s victory. But November 5th, you can understand that’s just the like that gets you to the table to start the fight. It’s going to be brutal. They’re going to pull out every stop. You’ve already seen this in what they’ve tried to do to President Trump. Their goal and objective is to flip the House in two years, and Hakeem Jeffries is the first. He’ll move his impeachment on Trump and maybe many people in the cabinet.
So folks got to understand this is a political war, and we’re at the very beginning of this. Don’t think the great work we did on November 5th means anything to these people. They could care less. They’re going to fight with every tool they have—legal tools, political tools, information tools—dealing from the bottom of the deck, doing things that are unfair.
And I’m talking about our foreign enemies: the Chinese Communist Party, the Persians, the KGB in Moscow. Oh, by the way, you got 10 to 15 million illegal aliens just on Biden’s watch. I’m not even considering the people here before; just his watch.
So the stakes are high. Let’s say six months to the outside. How does he do it? How does he attack immigration in particular? Because what we’d love to see, of course, is an actual law—an actual law that tightens the procedures, that makes sure some of these Trump policies become law, and the next president has to abide by them, especially if it’s a Democrat.
But we don’t have 60 votes in the Senate; we only have 53, which makes it tough because the Democrats could filibuster it—maybe, maybe not, given that the temperature on immigration is so hot right now. Even Democratic voters want to see a crackdown.
So what exactly on immigration do you want to do? This gets back to this concept called reconciliation. They have this thing—it’s too technical to get into—but there’s this instrumentality called reconciliation where you don’t have to get cloture in the Senate; you don’t have to get the 60 votes. It’s a majority.
They come up every so often; it’s kind of a reconciliation of the budget. Technically, you got to really thread the needle to use them, but we actually have the ability to do two reconciliations, as currently interpreted, I think, by the parliamentarian after Trump takes office.
The talk is to use one reconciliation immediately right after his inauguration, and that is solely for the purpose of the border and immigration. You only need 51 votes, so you get the change that you need, right?
This is legislation. So Trump hit you with 50 executive orders just like we did in ’16 and like Biden did to reverse it. You’ve also got a reconciliation bill that you jam through with a majority, and that’s got not just some changes, but as importantly, it gives Homan and Miller some real powder.
You’re not going to find it in these budgets to start the deportation of these people. People are saying it was going to cost 800 billion a year; it’s not. But they at least get some powder to build the wall, to do other security in the border, to help in those areas in the southern border and actually in the cities.
Because every town’s a border town now; every state’s a border state. So it’s taking on the sanctuary cities. There are resources and money in a law that’s done, and that’s done day one. I hope by the 20th—that’s what they should be working on or shortly thereafter.
That begins the process. I also think—and we can’t be fantasists here—I want all 12 to 15 million gone, not just the criminals. I think you start there. I believe you have to have a sit-down, and some of this is happening behind the scenes.
You have to go to the frontline countries in Central America. You have to get the Mexicans involved. She’s already said in the last 24 hours, “I’m prepared to take guys back.” But you have to sit down with them and work out arrangements that, you know, even economically, are going to help here because we’re going to be sending a lot of people back.
We’re empathetic people, right? We’re not cruel people. We’re just not going to do this and give them a bus ticket. It’s not going to work like that.
You want to take that W; you want to take that club out of the media’s hands. I think he does some sort of summit—Mar-a-Lago, Rio Grande Valley, you pick it—but we start a formal process of how, beyond the criminal element, you start getting these people to take back.
You include, I think, a couple of South American countries, like, for instance, where the Haitians—hundreds of thousands of Haitians have been there. There’s a way to do this. The guy you want in the room to do that is Donald Trump.
This is a big deal. You get reconciliation, get money, start a formal process. Trump gets guys in the room. You start the second formal process. By the time you’re six months to nine months into this, by Labor Day, we’ve got traction. This is happening, right?
The border is sealed; people are not coming across. We stopped playing the games on the migrant situation, asylum—all those games are stopped. You’ve begun a process of the criminals and the others he talks about from the insane asylums. That’s in movement. Plus, countries are your partners to take these folks back and to work it out.
If they don’t, then you talk about the tariffs. You bring the tariffs; you bring economic nationals or access to the American market. Remember, our market is the most lucrative market in the world for countries.
So you have to negotiate, and Trump will use—he and Navarro worked this out in ’18 and ’19 with the Mexican government. But that priority is that lane, and that’s got to hit. You got to hit that hard; you got to hit it fast; you got to hit it right away.
Okay, what about investigations? Because we’ve seen a couple of things bubble up recently. There’s been buzz around Liz Cheney, who we now have reason to believe may have behaved inappropriately with a key witness in the January 6 hearings with respect to her attorney.
There have been allegations made that she interfered in an inappropriate way. Then you’ve got Fani Willis, whose disqualification was ordered by the Georgia appellate court yesterday. Thank God that was the right decision.
There are real questions about the behavior of some of these people who have been the main chief antagonists of Donald Trump. There’s a split on whether he should go after them. You know, he said success is the best revenge. I’m not sure I’m inclined to do it, but he’s filed lawsuits at least against certain media personnel and the Anselts, as well as the Des Moines Register.
So what do you see happening on the investigation or quote retaliation front?
You have the three lines of work that are major: stop the wars, get the finance and debt in shape, and get the economy growing again. Then you have to have—and this is not about personal revenge because people in the Financial Times think Susie WS has quoted quite rightly that the best revenge is the Golden Age of Trump. I agree with that.
However, this is not about Trump; it’s not about Steve Bannon going to prison or Peter Navarro or Tina Peters or anything. We have to do this for the country. This can never allow to happen again.
The Washington Post, excuse me, the Wall Street Journal and the New York Times—Megan, as you know, over the last 72 hours, has been reporting in the Daily Mail. They now have people in the White House who don’t know if Biden was even in charge from day one.
The investigations—number one, on the vast criminal conspiracy from the Justice Department and the FBI to New York state to Fani Willis to all of it—on the vast criminal conspiracy against President Trump with lawfare has to be with complete open sunshine exposure. That has to be investigated, whether it’s at the House, at the Justice Department, or the FBI.
But also, we have to get into this entire situation of the Biden White House. Why was the 22nd Amendment called? We have to never allow these games to be played again.
By the way, on the vast criminal conspiracy, I do believe some media people are going to be brought into that because I think once you start looking at text messages, once you start looking at emails, I think you’re going to see that there were people, as you know, at MSNBC and some of these publications like the New York Times and the Washington Post that were in on this.
So I think the investigations—we need this for the American people. That’s kind of a sidebar; that’s going to take its own momentum. But you see the people he’s put in the Justice Department around Pam Bondi. If you see Cash Patel, we’re not going to back off. We owe this to the country.
This has nothing to do with going to prison with Liz Cheney or the illegitimate committee, but we have to get to the roots of what that was. We have to get to January 6—sunlight, not security.
Why? I call it a fed surrection. The only way to do it is complete open sunshine.
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