Transcription
And that's where the problem came from. It was a maldistribution of the resources, the money. And so in 1970, Governor Ruben Askew, who's a good old Southerner who I love to death, Ruben called me down. Said, "Dr., would you come down and run my school, run the state system?" I became the coordinator of education for the State of Florida from 1970 to 1976, right in the time of desegregation.
And I went to the Department of Education and I said, "Look, I said, what, what do y'all, how you, what are y'all going to do on the desegregation decision?" They said, "Well, what we're going to do, here's our plan. We're going to close, we're going to fire the black teachers, fire the black counselors, fire the black administrators, close all the black schools, bust 75% of the black kids to the white schools, and put the rest in special education classes."
I said, "No, you're not going to do that." They said, "Why not?" I said, "I don't want you to bust the kids. I want you to bust the money and the resources. Leave the black neighborhood, the black schools alone, and bust the resources over there. Give them some tennis courts, give them some swimming pools, give them some of the best teachers and best books and and and and learning materials." But again, I got overruled in that by the state legislature. They say the easiest thing for them, they could save money by just letting blacks become guest, guest, guest in the white schools. And so consequently, that didn't work.
And so what we, so we had pedus because our civil rights leaders got bamboozled with that policy. In 1867, then by 19, by 1968, it came up again. President Nixon then got, when he got elected to office, he got a letter from Daniel Moynihan saying, "I got a way to shut down the black civil rights movement in the country and shut down the Black Power movement." He said, "What you do? You take the focus in public policy off of Black Folk and never put it back again. You place it on minority women and immigrants." And so at that point, I was opposed to that, but that's what they did. They shifted the focus and they call that a benign neglect policy, which means that don't say anything mean about Black Folk, just pretend that they don't exist.
Then they come up with this whole concept called post-racism and a colorblind society. And say the Constitution is colorblind. The Constitution was never colorblind. The Constitution was always very specific, saying you all going to be slaves and you all can be owners. The Constitution was never colorblind. And the American Dream, what you hear about all the time, was based on anybody coming from Europe. They were advertising all over Europe, "Come to America, we give you free land and free labor." And they set up a franchising system to make sure anybody came to America get free land and free labor. Black Folk were again, were not in the system. They were underneath the system. They never got the free land. They never got free labor. They were the labor force.
And so by the 1960s, when when Moynihan's memo went out, blacks were an obsolete, abandoned labor class. Our black civil rights leaders bought into the concept of focusing now, not on black folk, but but on minority women and children, people of color, multicultural diversity, anything other than Black Folk. Now he's moved over to gay and transsexuals.
Now I have the dubious honor again. I wrote the first affirmative action plan in the United States. I wrote that in 1970. I wrote it for the State of Florida, approved by Governor ASU and the state cabinet. I didn't write the affirmative action program for everybody. And if I were a white male right now, I'd be mad as hell because the affirmative action plan was not written for everybody. It was written for black people. It was written for a specific reason. It was written to be corrective action, correcting something that the government has systematically done to handicap, exploit, misuse, enslave, and beat up on a specific group of people and deny them access to resources.
But the Moynihan memo, with a lot of our civil rights leaders supporting it, switched it away from Black Folk and switched it to everybody can now be called a minority and everybody's entitled to the same benefits. If you're an immigrant who ran across the border last night, you're entitled to the benefits. That's not, that's not what it was designed for. Nobody, they use these broad, ambiguous terms, minority. What is a minority? Nobody knows. Is that a one-legged man, a piano player, blind piano player? What's someone, what's a minority? Nobody knows. Nobody knows what a minority is. Nobody knows what a people of color is. So when he moved into all these broad languages that you cannot measure, you can't identify, doesn't mean anything.
And see, if I were a white male right now, I would go get into a minority program. You know why? Because the white male is one of the biggest minorities in the country. He's entitled to go into every minority program you got and get what he needs out of it. We had a Pakistani came up to Washington D.C. The University of Maryland did the same thing. He was a Pakistani. He went through Africa and came into the United States, and he said he was an African-American. The scholarship program was set up for African-Americans. He says, "I'm an African-American. I left Africa and now I'm in America." He's absolutely right. And and and all my white friends right here, over here, over here, you all see all these, all of these are African Americans. You know why? Because the first human beings on Earth were in Africa. All people radiated out of Africa. Every white person is an African-American if he lives in America. He's got, he's got African blood in him. Might be go back some quite a distance, and a lot of us even closer than that. In some, in now back in the 1880s. So everybody's an African-American. Nobody knows what it is. You can't measure it.
And so when, when we, when we went through the Civil Rights Movement, they asked them blacks, "What do y'all want? What are you marching for? What do you want?" And civil rights leaders, uh, incompetently said, "We want something that we can't measure. We want equal opportunity." And so the white community says, "Abracadabra, you got it. What else do you all want?" He said, "Well, we want equality." They say, "Abracadabra, you got it." They said, "What else you want?" "We want freedom." They said, "Abracadabra, you got it. Now get the hell out of here and don't come back anymore." They didn't get anything. Just the Civil Rights Movement got nothing. And every time they got a march, they're marching to Washington. You can ask them, "What is it that you're marching for?" They're not marching with anything. There's no connection between them marching and getting benefits.
And I'm, I'm not to run out of my time, so I'm start getting talk about some solutions. I, I lost track of my time. How much time I got? He only gave me a half an hour. Am I okay? Oh, he said I'm got, I got the time. Okay. So, so what I'm saying to you is that we got to stay away from these very broad, ambiguous terms, because these very broad, ambiguous terms have been used by our own people, not whites, but black organizations, to stifle and bamboozle their own people. I'm sorry to say that because most of them are my friends. And I go to them, I said, "Come here a minute." I said, "Come here a minute, son." I said, "What are you?" He said, "Who you with?" He said, "I'm with the NAACP." I said, "What's your goal and objective? Who you, who you represent?" He said, "I represent poor people and minorities." I said, "Okay." I go to my friends in the Urban League up there in Washington. I said, "Who do you represent?" He said, "We represent diversity and multicultural." I go to Jesse and I say, "Who do you represent?" He said, "I represent the rainbow." I said, "Who in the hell represent Black Folk?" Nobody. You have no leadership. You have no leadership. Nobody's representing you. Black folk have been abandoned.
And I, and and even, even I did my, did the Powernomics black labor study. I did a study in 1960. At that 1960, we had approximately 103 black elected officials in the entire United States. I did a social discomfort indicator study to find out what the conditions were of Black Folk were in in 1960. I looked at the unemployment rate, the dysfunctional schools, dysfunctional family, joblessness, unemployment, income, everything, median family income. Then I waited 30 years until 1990 and did the exact same study. You see what it happened? Why? Because in 1990, 30 years later, black folks' number of representatives in elected office has gone up over 9,000 percent. I say, "If Black Folk have gone from 103 elected officials to 9,000, boy, we must be doing well in the country." I did the same exact study, discomfort indicator study, and found out that not only didn't black folks progress, guess what? They went backwards. They went backwards because there's no connection between putting a black person in office and getting benefits. None of them going to do it. As soon as a black person get elected to office, the first thing he going to do is violate the sworn oath he just took. He swore oath and say, "I get, I'm sworn to get in office to represent those people who elected me to office and serve them." As soon as a black person get to office, first thing I say is that, "I'm here to take care of everybody." And so you have no representation.
And when I got out of politics, that's why I said I quit. I ran the campaigns for, as I said, for presidents, for governors, for attorney generals, and for congressmen and state legislators and mayors. I wasn't in the campaigns, I was a campaign manager for him. I have never run into a black person yet who says, "I'm going to represent my own people and take care of them once I get in office." They won't do it. That's not white people against you. It's your own people who won't do the things they supposed to do for you.
When Maurice Ferré, mayor of Miami, and Merrit Stierheimer, the, the, uh, county manager down in Miami, Dade County, says, "Dr. H., would you please come down here and help us in Miami? We had, we had three race riots down there since the 1960s. Come down here and help us stop some of these problems." And, and, and I said, "I said, you got a black city manager down there, Howard Gary. Now he's in Jet magazine every week bragging about he's the only black city manager in America. Why don't you ask him to do something?" B said, "What?" "Well, would you come down and help us?"
So what I did, I gave, I provided $10 million for him. I took $9 million out of the out of a fund for the Department of Commerce and one and another million from the Department of Labor and set up a revolving loan fund in Miami called Miami Citywide and Miami Capital and sent it down there so that they can, so black people can go in there and get access to money to start businesses in the city of Miami. That money went down like in October. When I went down there, when I got down there, then they called me and said, "Why ain't working?" I said, "Why?" They said, "You got to come down and check." I went out and checked. Cubans had taken it over by June. And they had put out 27 loans to Cubans, took, took the program from the blacks.
So this, so, so my white friends, Mayor Maurice, good buddy, and Mayor S., come down and help us. I went down there and I said, "What do you want me to do?" He said, "I said, why don't the city manager do something?" He said, "You go talk to him." I went over to Howard Gary, city manager in Miami, and I met him in front of, front of the city hall. And I said, "Howard, why don't you do something to help these black folk? Look at all these houses are slum-infested, they're leaning, falling down, people standing on rocks to get in the house, rats running all over the place. I walked into them, you could see that up all way upstairs, a big hole all way up to the toilets and the bathrooms up next door. Do something. These people, give them some jobs. And now, why don't you help Black Folk?"
He said, "Doctor, answer, let's get one thing straight. He said, I am not a black city manager. He says, I am a good city manager. And why should I go out of my way to offend whites and Hispanics and Cubans to do something for Black Folk?" I said, "If you don't know, I'm not going to tell you. But I said, the first chance I get, I'm taking you out of this office. You can count on that." And by 1988, I had him out of there. Because you see, black people don't want to help their own people. And that's why I'm so proud of this black Chamber of Commerce and say, "We going to go and start doing stuff for Black Folk, not to hurt anybody else."
Now, how do you do it? You go back to the basic problem, which is lack of wealth. Now Black Folk got almost near getting close to about a trillion dollars in wealth. Now a million dollar in wealth, a be well. What you need to do now, be what you have to do is to figure out how to tap that money and hold it. Black Folk right now, annual disposable income makes them about the ninth richest nation on Earth. But the reason black, Black Folk are so impoverished and poor in this city and all these other cities, they don't practice group economics. They can't practice group economics. Why? Because they don't have communities. Integration destroyed their communities.
Now when I go across America, I go to every city and they, I cannot find not one single black community in America. All you got in America are black neighborhoods. A black neighborhood is totally, absolutely useless. A black neighborhood is where you eat and sleep. The holiday inn, mar is a neighborhood. You don't have any black community. Now, one black community in America. To have a black community, you must qualify with three things. You must have, you must have a holy independent economic structure. You must have a code of conduct. You must have people in elected office to represent you to have be qualified as a community. I go across America, I can't find one. I get into California, I can find Chinatown, Japantown, Little Cambodia, Little Saigon, Koreatown, Little Mexican towns. I can find Little Havas, higher cork town, pork towns, Little Italy, Little Italian, Greek towns, but I can't find a black town any place in the country.
If you don't have, if you don't have a, a community, you can't play the game in in real life Monopoly. You cannot practice Monopoly in this town unless you all build a community. You got to build a community. And the community, if you can't build a community, you got to build a sense of a community. And I go up to, I go up to, uh, Philadelphia and talk to my Italian friends. All of it don't live in Little Italy anymore. They identify with Little, with Little Italy and come down and support it and buy from it stores and businesses. Now, all the other groups, they do that naturally and instinctively. You got to set up this town right now. And I want the Chamber of Commerce to start doing this, to get all their organizations and learn how to start training black kids how to produce wealth. It is wealth that determines your equal opportunities. Your wealth determines where you can go and where you can't go. Civil rights and and socialism gets you nothing. It is what you own and control that will determine your, your competitiveness.
I got a five fingers, 10 minutes. Okay, let me move a little faster then. I know I'm talking too fast for you all now, but okay. But you got, you got to build a community. And it can be, build a business community someplace in this town. Go find a decent street someplace where you got a good traffic flow with that is not being properly and sufficiently used. Block it off and say, in your mind, say, "We're going to take and develop this area." Why? To take the burden off the rest of the society for paying for our food stamps and welfare. We just start generating our own income and wealth. Okay. You build, you, you get, you, you pick that block. Then you call, you get a big assembly like this and call every black you know in Grand Rapids here. Every black. You divide them up in a room. You put all the blacks that own businesses on this side of the room. All those want to go in business on this side of the room. You tell, and you ask all those on already in business, say, "Look, how many of you would be willing to relocate your business where it is now into into our business community?" And get them to make a commitment to relocate. If you build a black community there, then you go to this side and say, "How many of you all want to go into business and provide businesses that we currently don't have? How many you open up a gas station or cleaners, a grocery store, a drug store, and move into that community?" And get a commitment out of them. Then you, then you, then you go to your politician and say, "I want you to support this. We're going to mark this as a black business district where black folk can practice group economics."
Your money must bounce if you're going to be competitive in a, in playing real life Monopoly. Your money must bounce 8 to 12 times before it leaves your hands. Now, typically Hispanic money bounces 6 to 7 times. White money bounces 8 to 12 times. Asian and and Arab money bounces 12 to 13 times. Jewish money bounces 18 times. Black money doesn't bounce once. The danger zone in this world right now in any city is to get between on payday, to get between where a black person is working and getting paid and getting to a mall. You'll get run over. That's as fast as hell because they're going to go straight to that mall with the money. They don't bounce the money. They don't buy from their own people. In Circ, the money, the money must bounce around. And that's what, that's the problem in Detroit, Michigan. Detroit, Michigan right now, they had a, they had a budget up there of something like about 78 billion. They had another 2 billion in school. And black folk were circulating about another $4 or $5 billion. If they circulated 10 to 12 times, they would had like $300 billion to run that city. But all of them go right across 8 Mile Road and drop their money. And that, and they produce no income, no jobs, no services, no goods, no tax base for their own people. They provided for the suburbs. The suburbs love that. So now Detroit is poured and pished because his money went outside the community. And if you want to be able to save this city and help this city at the same time, learn how to buy from your own people. And mere fact, I got to tell you to buy black means there's a problem. Everybody else knows that. Go right now, I bet you not on this town, I can go right now and find a Hispanic community. I can find an Arab community. They will buy from their own people. But our people don't have trust. They don't have trust. They don't trust each other. You can't trust each other if you don't have a community. A community comes first. Once you get a community and you get to know people, then you move up to the next level, you trust them. Once you learn how to trust people, then you move up to the third level, you begin to cooperate with them. And once you learn how to cooperate with them, then you get to the fourth level, you start holding them accountable for what they're doing wrong.
The same thing in business. In business, if you're building a business operation and competitiveness and Powernomics is a five-story building. The first thing you all should be doing is, I said, get you some institutions like the Chamber and started teaching acquiring wealth and power through operating businesses. If you build an economy, that's a five-story building. The first floor must always be economics. Always build an economy before you do everything else. The first floor is the economy. The second floor is politics. The third floor is a court and police department enforcement system. The fourth floor is a media. The fifth floor is schools. Now again, you've been bamboozled on that because they keep telling you that if you go to go send black folks to school, go jump to the fifth floor and try to come back down. Education can't do nothing. Education is just a tool. You start with your economy. Once you build an economy, a viable competitive economy by making your money circulate 8 to 12 times, you take that money and you move to the second floor. The second floor is your politicians. Don't worry about voting. You don't have to vote. People got money, whether it's organized crime or wealthy people, they don't have to vote. You take your money on the first floor, you buy every politician on the second floor. And if you can't buy them, you rent or lease them. And once you rent or lease those politicians, buy them on the second floor, you make hold them accountable to go to the third floor and you stop the police from shooting killing Black Folk all the time and come up with new codes of conduct. Then once you get to the third floor and get, and the police and court system straight because you can now effectuate it, then you go to the fourth floor. The fourth floor means media. You cannot own television stations, radio stations, and daily newspapers if you don't have an economy. I hear Black Folk crying all the time, "I have two radio stations, I used to have four." You cannot have a media operation unless you have an economy. Who's going to buy your time, your ads? You got to have an economy to buy the time. And so you got to, you got to right now, we have 12,000 radio stations in the United States. We got about, uh, 12,000 cable systems, 5,000 daily newspapers, 5,000 TV stations. Black Folk own 35,000 of 1%. You can't even communicate. If you can't communicate, you can't organize. You can't get communication because you don't have an economy. And once you get, get enough money, you put your medium up at the up at the fourth floor. Then lastly, you tell the fourth, the fifth floor, which is a school system, say, "Here's what we want. We don't want any more black basketball players and football players. Every black right now, a successful black is has some kind of an illicit relationship with a ball. He's either running with a tennis ball, basketball, golf ball, football, sting on jokes, telling jokes, pend, he having a ball. Just get up, get away from that and say from now on, you try to raise kids that can produce something. The producers will be the people who survive. Right now, Black Folk are zero producers and 100% consumers. You're going to get totally wiped out on this country and wiped off the face of the Earth under globalization if you don't learn how to produce. And you, and once you start producing, do it vertically. You produce something at the bottom level, then you go out and have other blacks come in over you. If I like, I'm producing fish, a million pounds of fish a year, I want blacks to come in at warehouse, wholesale distributor, then retail. I want to see some black lobster restaurants in the country. And, and you build. And I had about two more minutes. I got now. And you, and you build these, you build these vertical orders based on your competitive advantages. Start build your businesses where you have a competitive advantage. What are your competitive advantages? Black Folk always build your business where you dominate in population or you dominate in spending patterns. I went, I built the seafood factories why? Because blacks eat three to four times more seafood than whites and you spend $9 for every $1 white spends. You should be controlling the seafood industry. Do the same thing with leather. Do the same thing with your hair. Right now, blacks are the only people got got a certain quality of hair, and yet the Koreans are controlling black hair care in America. And you watch, you build these businesses like the difference between Detroit and Chinatown. You got in, in Chinatown in New York, in Chinatown, New York, you got about a little less than 300,000 Chinese there. And in Detroit, you had almost had almost a million blacks. I looked at two in comparative. What, in in Chinatown, they had, they had 35 banks, 35 Asian banks. Detroit, they got two black banks, and that's owned by the same one. How is it that that me, almost a million people only have two banks, and 300,000 will have 35 banks? I looked at the number of restaurants. The Asians had almost 400 something restaurants in the in New York. Black Folk, Detroit had three. I looked at, and I said, "How does that these Asians are producing so well and has so much?" And they got, and Asians have the highest median family income in America. Here's what they do. In conclusion, they, they, they, they build around their advantage. What is it that Asians eat the most of? They eat noodles. I went and found something like about hundred and something noodle factories in New York where they produce their own noodles. Now, once they produce the noodles, what do you put on the noodles? They put a sauce on the noodles. I had, I found about another 60 or 70 companies that produce the sauce that go on the noodles. And I said, "What else they producing?" Then when I found that they had, I don't know how many, 35 or 40 companies, they make their little fortune cookies. They take care of their own people. That's why you'll never see Asians, Arabs, Hispanic, or American Indians out marching for integration, off for social civil rights. They don't do it. They build businesses. I love you all. Take care.