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Hello everyone from Bolt Medya, dear viewers. This weekend, we are once again with our esteemed guest, Mustafa Okumuş. Because we have very important topics. We will delve into these topics together with Mustafa Bey. With his experience as a security professional, we will look behind the scenes of the events. Welcome, Mustafa Bey. >> Hello, Necdet Bey. Welcome. >> Mustafa Bey, it's been about 10 days, I estimate. Ali Gümüştek, pardon, İbrahim Gümüştek, one of the leaders of the Fenerbahçe stands, was attacked. And just recently, information has come out that there is no serious health problem, at least. People are curious about this attack. I actually want to start with this. What did you see in this attack incident? Can you tell us a little? What kind of thing is this, what kind of event happened there? >> İbrahim Gümüştek had previously survived a similar attack. They intended to kill him but accidentally killed a young person next to him. However, after that incident, things seemed to calm down a bit. But, about 10 days ago, he was attacked again. So, after this attack, we all wondered if he was dead or not. We all wondered about his health status. İbrahim Gümüştek is someone I know personally, one-on-one. However, no information was released. The last thing I did was tweet yesterday. After that tweet, there were some comments written below the tweet. I only got the information there that his health status was good. Normally, in such an important event, information should have been given. Information would have been given. Information was not given. This lack of information also led me to some concerns. Frankly. Necdet Bey, initially, it was presented as an attack stemming from conflicts between new-generation mafia groups. You know, groups like Red Kitterler, Daltonlar, Anacurlar, Gün Doğdular, Casperlar, many such mafia groups, what they call mafia groups. Now, these mafia groups have many similar incidents they are involved in, both inside and outside Turkey. Many incidents that resulted in death. Therefore, this also resembles them in method, but even if it is said to originate from them, it is actually beyond their scope. By scope, I mean it's not an event that could be related to their internal conflicts. Now, due to İbrahim Gümüştek's position, for example, Halilay was killed in France. Actions were also taken against leaders of various other groups. These were matters related to their internal conflicts. İbrahim Gümüştek is not someone who would be a subject of their internal issues. Due to his position, because he is in an elder brother role. He is someone who plays a mediating role in the disagreements between these groups. We can say he is a higher figure. You know, many names have come and gone in the Fenerbahçe stands over the years, but İbrahim Gümüştek has been there for 25-30 years. Not just the Fenerbahçe stands. He is in the spotlight because there are so many shooting incidents there. However, similar conflicts have occurred in the stands of other clubs. People were killed in the Beşiktaş stands. There were also such attempts in the Galatasaray stands. But İbrahim Gümüştek always maintained his position, even if he wasn't as prominent as those figures. Because he is someone in an elder brother position, in a mediating position. In such actions, generally, journalists who don't know much about these matters, who have a superficial understanding, will say the same thing in a classic way. They will put forward the claims about these new-generation mafia groups. >> Exactly. >> Yes. For example, the ülkücü lawyer Serdar Öktem was killed. They said the Daltonlar killed him. I mean, the shooters could be Daltonlar. But the sponsor is important. We cannot say the Daltonlar are the perpetrators of this. We need to look at the financier of this. We need to look at the decision-makers. At that time, it was said that the Daltonlar added him to their enemy list because he was providing legal services to a rival group of the Daltonlar, and thus they carried out such an action. Interestingly, within 3 hours, all the shooters were caught in a wooded area. Necdet Bey, since we explained this in detail, I will move on. Now, after the attack on İbrahim Gümüştek, you know, in 2023, there was an assassination attempt on a person named Halilay, who was also a leader of one of the new-generation mafia groups. Now, they are trying to link him to İbrahim Gümüştek. Before that event, there was a development. Now, Halilay's rival is the Daltonlar group. The Daltonlar group, allegedly, we don't know this for sure, requested help from İbrahim Gümüştek to assassinate Halilay. İbrahim Gümüştek arranged a meeting with Halilay. He organized a dinner. They sat and ate somewhere. After leaving there, İbrahim Gümüştek and Halilay also left. The Daltonlar group followed Halilay. They carried out an action on the Haliç Bridge. Halilay did not die there. Someone else died. He escaped from the shootout. Later, Halilay was killed in France. Now, they are linking this event. So, even if İbrahim Gümüştek had such a meeting, he might have gone as a mediator. He is in an elder brother position. I don't think he is very involved in that incident. And I don't think the attack was related to the internal conflicts of the new-generation organizations. Because a lot of time has passed since that event. Almost 3 years have passed. İbrahim Gümüştek is someone who moves around freely, whose whereabouts are known, whose hangouts are all known. If there was a revenge motive against him, they wouldn't have waited this long. Necdet Bey, higher figures >> he has a message for other higher figures. >> Yes. Okay. If you wish, I have, uh, shaped the topic a bit in my mind. There is a voice recording of his ex-wife. She shared it on social media. Journalists also shared it. Actually, you are saying this. Let's listen to that voice recording again in a moment. What does the woman say? What picture does she paint for us? But you say there is more to it. I will ask about that "more" now, but if our director has that recording ready, let's watch the part where his ex-wife mentions a negotiation and some names. While you comment on this, I will ask you about the bigger picture. >> I am in favor of this. If someone does something, if they are my enemy, they are my enemy, I hit, I broke. I don't like it like that. Let everyone play openly. Whatever is done in peace, I have done it all, and I have had it done. Look, my enemy is my daughter-in-law, I'm telling you now. Do you want to say something? I had no idea. This is cunning. Yes, sir. >> Is that true? Yes. >> How cunning is this? >> Here, İbrahim Gümüştek's ex-wife had a phone conversation with Ali Uzun, and this conversation was recorded. Ali Uzun, or rather, the woman, tells her ex-wife that Ali Uzun said this and that to her in this phone call. She accuses him of being a coward, to put it mildly. Should we understand it this way? Mustafa Bey, what message did you get from this voice recording? You say that even if it appears this way, it has a very direct connection with bigger players. We need to look at those actors in the background, you said earlier. What do you mean by that? Let's get to that. >> Yes. Well, I am listening to this voice recording now. Ali Uzun is talking about Barış Boyun here. Uh-huh. I saw a social media post by this lady, İbrahim Gümüştek's ex-wife. A written post. She clearly pointed to Ali Uzun there. She said he is behind this. Now, Ali Uzun is not someone related to these new-generation mafia groups. He is not a new-generation mafia group. But he is more of someone who directs and influences them. Now, these mafia groups are largely involved with Turks who engage in international drug trafficking, many of them in Europe. Plus, there are established mafia groups in Turkey that everyone knows. Large mafia groups. And then there are groups that act as hitmen for some actors involved in dirty business within politics in Turkey, perhaps "political actors" might not sound right. These new-generation mafia groups are their hitmen. Ali Uzun is a bit different. He is someone associated with the Sarallar group. Ali Uzun. Now, Necdet Bey, I tweeted about this topic again, I think yesterday or the day before. Specifically, there was an assassination attempt on Vedat Şahin, the brother of Sedat Şahin, in 2014. An ambush was set up in 2014, and Vedat Şahin was killed in the ambush. That incident >> Yes. Mustafa Bey, Mustafa Bey, it also caught my attention. Our director can even show the footage on screen. You are saying it is a perfect match. The assassination attempt on Vedat Şahin, the brother of Sedat Şahin, and the attempt on İbrahim Gümüştek are a perfect match. Elaborate on this. Actually, from here, you seem to be heading towards bigger players, as I understand it. Please continue. >> Yes. Now, the perpetrators of this incident are known. The perpetrators of the ambush on Vedat Şahin are known. I mean, the actions carried out by the new-generation mafia groups also resemble this. They fire with Kalashnikovs and long-barreled weapons like this. But the reason I am emphasizing this is to highlight that this attack on İbrahim Gümüştek is not a decision made by the new mafia groups. I gave this example to emphasize that. Now, we should not conclude from this that the 2014 incident and the incident on İbrahim Gümüştek in December 2025 are exactly the same. It does not mean that the attack on İbrahim Gümüştek was organized by the Sarallars. Such a prediction can be made. But I cannot say this in the current environment, under the current circumstances. It is not possible for me to know this with 100% certainty. We can only do a brainstorming. No one should be blamed in this regard. I mean, without being 100% sure >> I mean, my making this post, bringing Vedat Şahin to the forefront, you know, Turkey has experienced very bloody years in the mafia world. Between the Sedat Şahin and Sarallar groups alone, more than 20, nearly 30 people were killed in reciprocal actions. I mean, we should not confuse these mafia groups with new-generation mafia groups. As I tried to express earlier, Necdet Bey, if the political will were determined on this issue, these new-generation mafia groups could be eliminated within 3-5 months. I don't even see them as mafia groups. We can see them as hitman groups. Both real mafia groups, political actors, and international drug lords use them in their operations. They act as their hitmen. In a way, you could say the one who pays the piper calls the tune. Of course, during this time, there are also conflicts among these new-generation groups due to turf wars over small drug routes. They also carry out actions based on their own decisions. But the main actions, as I said, are carried out due to instructions from higher figures. For example, an attack was carried out on the son of Abdullah Baybaşin in Germany. An attack was carried out on a person named Şemmuz Muhittinoğlu in Dubai. One was injured, one was killed. I don't know if it's a name similarity. It's been a long time, I looked at the photo and thought it resembled him, but I wasn't sure. The person named Şehmuz Muhidtin they are talking about was detained by the organized crime branch in Istanbul in 2009. Yavuz Yavuz Türk, Abdülbaki Yakut, Hüseyin Baybaşin's cousin, known for his international drug trafficking in Van, had kidnapped the leader of a prominent family. They did this with Şğmuz Muhittinoğlu and his associates. He was detained at that time and served some time in prison. When you look at it, both the Dubai incident and the Germany incident, which are said to concern drug cartels, are carried out by these new-generation mafia groups. Political assassinations, both in the Sinan Ateş murder and in the Serdar Öktem case, such hitmen were used. Now, regarding the main mafia groups in Turkey, İbrahim Gümüştek's case >> Yes. >> İbrahim Gümüştek's case can be an example of this. Instead of focusing on who pulled the trigger, we need to look at who gave that weapon to their hand. Now, the difference between them needs to be determined and clarified. For example, Sedat Şahin was released in 2023. Necdet Bey, he applied for release, and the 10th High Criminal Court rejected his release request. And then, immediately after the rejection decision, we entered the judicial recess. On the first day of the judicial recess, two duty judges were appointed to the 10th High Criminal Court, and as soon as these two duty judges arrived, Sedat Şahin made a second release request. To the same court. Normally, a higher court, the 11th High Criminal Court, should have evaluated this, but again, the 10th High Criminal Court, with those two new judges, released Sedat Şahin this time, and the judge who made the release decision was first made the Head of the Department of the Istanbul Regional Court of Justice. He is now a member of the Court of Cassation. Now, let our listeners distinguish the difference from here. New-generation mafia groups do not have the power to arrange judges and make such moves. They need to gain much more experience for that. We don't know what will happen in the future. We are talking about their current situation. They are groups that can carry out very dangerous, very serious professional assassination operations. But they are still too young to be considered a mafia group. On the other hand, if we look at the Sarallars, there is an advisor in the Presidential Palace. Even if we are the same lineage, a lineage with tens of thousands of members >> tell that to the citizens, don't tell it to us. They are trying to make the current Governor of Diyarbakır the Director-General of Security. The mafia groups we are talking about are in a position to appoint the Director-General of Security. They are fighting for this. If we look at Sedat Peker, Sedat Peker spent 10 years in prison. Spending 10 years in prison means that while the Sarallars were also in prison during that period, they, though not for as long, are a very large lineage that we can call a tribe, a clan, a Black Sea clan. Their hands and arms continued their activities in the bureaucracy. They continued to strengthen in Turkey during that time. However, Sedat Peker could not gain that momentum between 2005 and 2015 because he was in prison. For this reason, after being released from prison, he started holding AK Party rallies. Even at that time, even though Sedat Peker was so weak, weak in the sense that he was at a disadvantage compared to others, he went abroad. In 2022, he made some statements. Actually, he only revealed a fraction of the information he had. Nevertheless, Sedat Peker did more damage to the government than the opposition party, the Republican People's Party, could have done in 20 years. What would have happened if he had spoken? That's a separate topic of discussion. Besides, the Sarallars are not like Sedat Peker. They continued to remain within the bureaucracy. What the influence of the Sarallars might be in such revelations is another matter. Now, we are talking about Sedat Şahin, Peker, and Sarallars. We say they are trying to appoint the Director-General of Security. They appointed the Federation President, for example. Now, these mafia groups, Necdet Bey, in 1997, Alaattin Çakıcı supported Mustafa Keçeli to become the Federation President. His rival was Haluk Ulusoy. Korkut Eken and therefore Mehmet Ağır also supported Haluk Ulusoy. But, in the end, Haluk Ulusoy was elected. Alaattin Çakıcı's wish did not come true. But these groups we call mafia groups, these new-generation mafia groups, are not actually mafia groups yet. They are hitmen. The distinction needs to be made. These main figures, the real mafia groups, have engaged in very serious bloody actions in Turkey. There were well-known attacks, especially between the Şahinler and Sarallar groups. I brought the issue of Vedat Şahin to my Twitter page. I am afraid that we might return to such an environment again, after the attack on İbrahim Gümüştek. Because, under the leadership of Devlet Bahçeli, we can say Şenkal Atasagun. I am going back and forth, and things come to mind. For example, in the 2000s, under the leadership of Veli Küçük, they tried to gather these mafia groups under one roof. There were even things caught on wiretaps during the investigations at that time. Necdet Bey, Veli Küçük asked Sedat Şahin to bring together Kürşat Yılmaz and Sedat Şahin and gather the mafia groups under one roof. They met in Beykoz. Sedat Şahin, Sedat Peker, and Kürşat Yılmaz. After the meeting, Sedat Şahin called a friend on the phone. He was mocking the topics discussed in the meeting. Because Sedat Şahin is not actually a nationalist. He is from Samsun. Everyone thinks he is a nationalist, but he is a social democrat. He is the son of a family who lived abroad, with his childhood and early youth spent in the Netherlands. He came to Turkey later, someone we could call a leftist. And he is mocking to his friend on the phone about these discussions, saying they are obsessed with gathering the mafia under one roof. This time, we saw a similar thing planned by Şenal Atasagun and carried out by Devlet Bahçeli. Even though Sedat Şahin is not an ülkücü, he went to Devlet Bahçeli. We saw Alaattin Çakıcı and Kürşat Yılmaz in Devlet Bahçeli's office immediately after their release from prison. We didn't see the Sarallars there. Because there is a serious legal dispute between the Sarallars and Sedat Şahin. Even if they were not physically present at the table, they were also part of this council through Alaattin Çakıcı. Such a council was formed. This council did not allow those who were not in it to stay in Turkey. This council did not want those they included in the council to grow as large as themselves, to be as influential in the bureaucracy as themselves. However, because some appealed to a significant segment of society, they did not include some in the council and forced them to leave the country through political maneuvers. Now, regarding this council or those not in this council, as I said again, İbrahim Gümüştek is not someone who could be attacked by new-generation mafia groups on their own initiative. I hope it does not lead to a bloody reckoning again. It could be the first step in their internal messaging traffic. After the verbal or not very understandable messages to the public, it could be the first physical message via social media. I hope peace is established. Our long period of not receiving information about İbrahim Gümüştek's health condition also suggested this to me. I hope it doesn't happen. Necdet Bey, >> I listened to you with my mouth open, Mustafa Bey. While you were explaining all this, perhaps some of it might sound like a fairy tale, but you are explaining it as a security director who has been fighting these people for 20 years. Therefore, it is as if it is yesterday, right before your eyes, those transcripts, the details in those files. Therefore, with your experiences, you are painting a picture, presenting it to us. So, you are saying that in the Serdar Öktem broadcast we did earlier, you also mentioned that the incident was not just because Daltonlar took on a case and defended them, and the opposing side killed him for revenge. You did not accept that narrative and said that they are just hitmen. We need to look at the real big players behind them. Are you saying that the Serdar Öktem assassination and the assassination attempt on İbrahim Gümüştek were carried out by the same hands, or that the big player, the council you mentioned, organized it by one of the council members? In that case, and you ended with a wish earlier, I think you mean this: If this assassination attempt on İbrahim Gümüştek causes a crack within the council, it could be a link in a much bloodier chain of reckoning, right? Did I understand correctly? I interpreted it this way. >> I am not saying that the Serdar Öktem murder and the İbrahim Gümüştek attack were organized by the same hand. On the contrary, they were not organized by the same hand. >> What I mean here is that the reason behind this incident is not the internal conflicts or revenge struggles of the new-generation mafia groups. >> I am saying it was organized by people in higher positions, those sitting at the council table. But I can also say that they are not the same people. Largely. >> Uh-huh. >> Yes. The council >> Yes. I mean, uh-huh. Uh-huh. Please finish. It is highly probable that it is a message from the council to outside the council, but as I said, these are things that we cannot know with 100% certainty, and I cannot make a definitive judgment from where I am standing here. >> You are making an analysis. >> I understand. >> What are you doing? >> I understand, but you are speaking from your experience. And your analyses are actually not just looking at the superficial side of the event, but when you delve into the philosophy of the event, what else can be derived, what interpretations can be made? It is eye-opening in this regard. Mustafa Bey, the topic has really come to life in my mind. If you wish, let's close it here. Let's put it aside temporarily for now. Because we will likely discuss this topic in the future. There are a few other topics that caught my attention this week. We don't have much time left, but you can answer briefly. At least let's find answers to the questions. This week, as you know, Mehmet Akif Ersoy's eligibility for effective repentance was discussed. He became an informant, they said he did, but then they said he couldn't. In your opinion, why couldn't he? He wanted to be an informant, why did he fail? Do you have any comments? >> Yes, of course. He actually became an informant. When you look at it, he was arrested for drug use and for providing a place for use. Everything that can be said about this topic, he explained in detail and sincerely in his last statement, which was 3-5 pages long. He explained in detail where and with whom he used drugs. Legally, his statement falls under the scope of effective repentance. However, Mehmet Akif still doesn't understand something. What you say here has no legal importance. If your lawyers are guiding you this way, your lawyers also don't understand the conjuncture. The issues here are drugs and so on. But in his statement, he said that the allegations about Show TV, about Ekrem İmamoğlu buying Show TV, were not true. What does Show TV have to do with this? What does Ekrem İmamoğlu have to do with this? What do Mehmet Akif's drug parties have to do with this? One of the people taking his statement tickled him and he said something like that. He also passed it on. He said there is no connection. Now, for Mehmet Akif to be released, even if he reveals the stash of drug lords, it won't help. If he says what those who put him at that table want, and doesn't mention other things, he didn't provide any useful information there. Therefore, even though his statement legally falls under the scope of effective repentance, the prosecutor decided that it did not fall under the scope of effective repentance. At that time, they are continuing to pressure Mehmet Akif. They told him to think a bit more. He will come for another round. He will elaborate on those issues a bit more. Mehmet Akif Ersoy, the prosecutor is looking for connections that might lead to the Ekrem İmamoğlu case, perhaps to some groups declared as terrorist organizations. The main target is the İmamoğlu case. They will make Mehmet Akif go back and forth, back and forth, tiring him out. If he gives what they want, they will release him, if not, they will continue. In fact, he should be released after 23 months anyway. His sentence will be over. He will have to complete the maximum sentence for a crime for which there is no imprisonment, if he has to serve it. That's why the process is moving quickly. They are making him go back and forth, like a minibus from Aksaray to Fatih. >> Yes. Yes. Mustafa Bey, you also read the moves in the Ekrem İmamoğlu case well at the time. I also smile bitterly. How are we in a legal system? How are people caught in a court system? Actually, those who defend this system are now facing it. A figure like Akif Ersoy has also faced it. >> If you wish, let's move on to another topic. Let me ask you about that briefly as well. Will you add anything to the decree on governors, or should we move to the next topic? >> No. >> Okay. The decree on governors has been published. Did anything catch your attention on this matter? The positions of 26 governors were changed. 7 were brought to the center. Based on what was it done? There were theories circulating, like Bahçeli protected his cadre, or an operation was carried out against this segment. But did you see anything? In this decree on governors? >> Well, the same things were said about the decree on police chiefs before. These explanations seem very comical to me. Like, Süleyman Soylu's cadre was chopped up. They say the same thing every time. It's been 3 years, and they still haven't finished chopping it up. Like, the ülkücü cadres are being chopped up. The titles in front of the names have no importance. Governors cannot even go to the toilet without orders, excuse me. Here, 7 out of 81 provinces were affected. 7 of them were removed from their governorships and brought to the center. The others, let's say, were transferred from Van to another province and will continue to serve as governors. But the governorship careers of 7 of them have ended. For example, in Yalova, there was a flawed operation that caused three incidents. We understand the Yalova governor. We know that the Trabzon governor was removed, directly or indirectly, due to his connections with Ekrem İmamoğlu. However, I couldn't understand why the governorship careers of Eskişehir, Denizli, Düzce, Düzce were ended. Things were going well there. There was no reason. When I looked at it, I wondered why they might have been removed. This could also be a coincidence, but if we consider the probability, 7 out of 81 have had their governorship careers ended. Among these, three are from provinces where very important arms smuggling operations were carried out in the last month, and these are isolated operations. In Eskişehir, 450 weapons were seized. The number wasn't that high in Denizli. But a very well-executed technical surveillance operation was carried out against the organization. Although it involved more than 20 weapons, the gang was identified with concrete evidence. The group carrying out that operation was eliminated. In Düzce, it was a very successful operation in terms of technical surveillance, which deserves applause in recent years. The Düzce smuggling operation. I won't go into the details. I truly congratulate the friends who worked on that operation. There >> You are looking at it from a technical perspective, of course. >> They carried out a very difficult and very successful operation with their own efforts. The public doesn't know the details, but I do. We won't go into those. That's not our topic. Over 1000 weapon parts were seized there. When these parts are assembled, they can be turned into more than 1000 pistols. It was like a second MİT crisis. The fact that the governors of the provinces where these operations were carried out were removed from their posts, I don't know if it's a coincidence. Did it just happen to coincide? I don't know. I can only share this in parentheses. >> Yes. Actually, if we want to speculate on this, we can also ask if those who caught these, who caught these weapons, were punished, based on your statement. But since this would lead the discussion in a different direction, I think it's best to leave it here, at least to give them a chance to think. >> It's just that there is such information. I shared it. >> Yes. Yes. I think this was a very striking observation. There is one more topic I cannot pass without asking. There is a deputy who salutes Erdoğan. A week ago, he was fuming, roaring, "No, how can it be? I won't change. I will stay, I won't go." We then saw him saluting Erdoğan. You are not going to give political commentary, but do you see any other reason behind these transfers? Why did this deputy, the Mersin deputy, join the AK Party? And he did so by risking humiliation in front of his own constituents. Do you have any thoughts? Well, previously, mayors who were elected from CHP also joined AKP. Allegations of corruption were made against them, both concerning themselves and their spouses or husbands. It was said that they tried to escape from these files by entering the protection of the AK Party. Now, politically, it doesn't interest me much. I don't want to dwell on Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, CHP, AKP, etc. But on the day this transfer happened, the day the Mersin deputy joined the AK Party and saluted Erdoğan, his criminal record was updated. Perhaps it was updated earlier, but it wasn't in the news. I saw his criminal record that day. I glanced at it briefly, I don't remember much, but his criminal record includes theft from a car, four counts of assault, violation of residential inviolability, deprivation of liberty, and threat, if I remember correctly. I watched the video too. He did it. >> I watched the video too, Necdet Bey. I watched other videos as well. I also made a post about it. When you look at it, he couldn't even cut a chicken, in my opinion. He's not someone who would take a gun and injure people. Those criminal records are from 2010, 2012, 2014, I think. He wasn't a deputy then. However, legally, his name doesn't shed much light, but violation of residential inviolability means he raided a house. When you look at it, theft from a car might mean he stole documents from a car. He might have stolen something from a car. He's a rich person. >> So, who would he threaten? Deprivation of liberty means kidnapping someone. >> He kidnapped someone. >> He >> Now, look, when you look at it, he was the chairman of the Mediterranean Agriculture Exporters' Association, or the branch chairman? Yes. He was a manager there. >> Someone in such a position. He established a local mafia group there. Someone who engages in local usury in Mersin. To determine prices, the lemon market, or to determine the market for other products, or to intervene in buying and selling transactions there and collect debts on behalf of one party. He has 5-10 hitmen under him, whom he sends to shoot people, to take them from their homes. This is the image that emerges. When you put these criminal records together, that's what came to my mind. These criminal records have no other meaning. They cannot explain any of this. And what has he done in the last 5 years, since his old criminal records? After becoming a deputy, feeling much stronger, feeling immune, who knows what else he has done. We don't know. And we won't learn from now on. Because he has entered the protection of the AK Party and Tayyip Erdoğan. No one can initiate an investigation against this person. Actually, this also gives us a clue. That is, whoever has what kind of criminal record, dirt, or flaws in the past, because the government controls everything, holds everything in its hands, they bring out old files, old ledgers. Brother, either you come and surrender, or you join our party. Because we need people who will raise their hands. Or, if these files are acted upon, people will rush to give that salute with that excitement. Perhaps that's why they gave it with such excitement, Mustafa Bey. This is just one example of how this system works. Perhaps the reassignment of judges and prosecutors, perhaps your colleagues, those with very bad records, those who received disciplinary action, were later called and summoned to duty. It is with the same logic that we see the same logic being used in the transfer of this municipal deputy. We have also seen where and for what calculations political maneuvering, threats, and blackmail are used. This is what I gathered from your commentary. Mustafa Bey, I think you have brought very satisfying and original perspectives to this broadcast. If you have anything to add, I will take your final remarks. Otherwise, I suggest we end the broadcast. This week, we will conclude in this manner. >> No, I have nothing to add. Necdet Bey, I thank you and our listening viewers separately. >> Thank you, dear viewers. I hope it was a satisfying conversation. I hope you enjoyed what you heard. If you liked it, you can indicate it. We await your comments in the comments section. See you in the next broadcast. Goodbye.