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After the critical periods of the Second World War and the Cold War, Russia is now more deeply depressed than ever due to the Ukrainian catastrophe in Eastern Europe. For Russia, the staggering losses on the front lines have become not just a matter of numbers but a deep social wound. In the process, Vladimir Putin and the Kremlin leadership have begun to receive the strongest backlash from within Russia, from the mothers, wives, and sisters of the soldiers.
What kind of sociopolitical crisis did this cause for Putin's regime and the country? In the first months of the war, these women were consoled with the tale of "our men are fighting heroically in Ukraine." But as the months progressed, they did not receive proper news from their loved ones. They rebelled against the contradictory statements from the command and took to the streets. No matter how much censorship the Putin regime imposed, the slogans "give us back our husbands" and "we are tired of being good girls" became a growing cry.
Russian mothers and wives had already become a serious thorn in the side of the Kremlin and Putin. For the Kremlin, this social explosion is perhaps the most dangerous development because, in Russia, the opposition of soldiers' mothers and wives to state policies often has unforgettable consequences. As recently as the Russian invasion of Afghanistan, mothers mobilized and learned that their sons had been killed and maimed there, and that the state was trying to hide these losses. During the Chechen War, mothers and wives again raised their voices of protest, sometimes negotiating with the Kremlin.
Now, in the war in Ukraine, hundreds of thousands of Russian soldiers have been sent to the front, and tens of thousands have not returned or have been maimed. The Kremlin's narrative that this is our patriotic duty had long since lost credibility with mothers and wives. As the casualty rates climb, mothers' committees and coordination groups of soldiers' wives are growing across Russia. Even in the post-Soviet era, the so-called "Mothers of Russian Soldiers" movement was considered one of the most feared forces of civil opposition by the Kremlin. Today, this movement is Putin's deep base, forcing even the supposed mass to churn within itself.
The parents of these soldiers have appealed everywhere possible, but no one got back to them. Russian mothers even wrote letters to Vladimir Putin in 2022, demanding an account for their missing sons, stating that their sons did not receive military training, that they only dug the soil to create trenches, pulled grass, walked for a while in the ceremony area, and prepared for the oath. Russian mothers showed Vladimir Putin what tears of rebellion meant with this letter.
In recent photographs published in the international press, women carrying banners saying "Where is my son?" and "Enough with the war" create an annoying image for the Putin administration. Riots and silent protests are on the rise. Protests sometimes take different forms; for example, a group of mothers in the Novosibirsk region demonstrated at the governor's office, holding hands and chanting, "In Russia, mothers have a say: Where are our sons?" Amateur videos of this demonstration quickly went viral, but the police immediately stepped in, confiscated the phones of those recording, and detained some of the protesters.
In St. Petersburg, soldiers' wives organized an event called "Silent March" and walked around the city square carrying photos of their sons and husbands. They did not shout slogans, but the expression on their faces said it all. The repeated question, "Why is Putin hiding from real mothers?" has been on the lips of Russian society ever since the scandal of the fake mothers gathering on television. The Russian mothers who demanded the end of the mobilization and a complete stop to the war in Ukraine said they would continue their pleas until their sons were reunited.
But the Kremlin leader, Vladimir Putin, ignored none of this and continued the war in a harsh manner. This war, which continues to this day in all its intensity, has never killed the hopes of Russian mothers. Of course, the Russian state is working hard to censor and suppress these reactions. Press bans, a climate of fear, and threats come into play. The Kremlin again resorted to threats and deception to extinguish this rebellion. Some regional commanders summoned women and threatened them, saying, "You are trying to reveal state secrets; you will be tried for treason."
Sometimes they try to distract them with lies, such as "Your son is already specially trained; he is on duty, don't worry." But when mothers respond, "My son has been silent for 5 months; they've almost turned off his cell phone," tensions rise. According to many reports, buses traveling from the regions to Moscow are stopped by police and turned back on the grounds that they are going to hold an illegal demonstration. This is a tactic used to prevent women from organizing mass demonstrations in the capital.
Nevertheless, sometimes persistent groups try to reach Moscow by clandestine routes and unfurl a banner around the Kremlin. That banner reads, "We are tired of being good girls; we want to know where our husbands and sons are." Within three minutes, the police tore down all the banners and detained the women. Even this incident was not reported in the Russian media but went viral on social media.
One aspect of the women's protest is the "Stop the Massacre" rhetoric. So not only do they want their sons back, but they also want to stop this war; innocent people are dying. Some wives and mothers, as they learn more and more about what is happening in Ukraine, say, "It turns out that this is miles away from us, and it is the Ukrainians who are being victimized. We have just realized that this war is pointless."
Of course, voicing this attitude aloud invites accusations of treason in Russia. Yet, in street interviews, some anonymous women say, "We have no political views; we just want peace. We don't want our children to die; we don't want Ukrainians to die." This tone is diametrically opposed to the official propaganda because the state is constantly feeding the narrative that "we are fighting a holy war, like the Second World War; we are destroying the Nazis."
Women who have lost husbands and sons are now saying, "We don't believe in this fairy tale." The Kremlin has made numerous propaganda moves to manage these reactions. For example, Putin occasionally broadcasts footage of meetings with soldiers' mothers to give the impression that he is listening to their concerns. But it soon became clear that many of the women in those meetings were FSB or Defense Ministry employees and had nothing to do with real soldiers' mothers.
The more these staged events were exposed, the more the anger grew. The real mothers reacted by saying, "Why are you listening to the fake mothers and not to us? We want to know where our sons are and why they disappeared." A group of Russian women, under the umbrella of an organization popularly known as the "Women's Union," repeatedly demonstrated in central Moscow. The police intervened harshly to disperse these women, and there were arrests.
Even this harshness did not end the protests. The protesting women said, "We are tired of being good girls; we want our husbands back. Don't let our children grow up without fathers." This is perhaps one of the rare instances of civil disobedience in Russia. Moreover, in a society that has grown up with the Soviet legacy, the rebellion of soldiers' mothers against the state has great symbolic significance.
People who have so far been silenced by the myth of sacrifice for the homeland now seem to be convinced that this war is not a defense of the homeland but a senseless destruction. However, what sparked the recent protests was that the Kremlin's concern at the moment was the exact opposite of Russian mothers and soldiers' wives. Putin made the critical decision to repeat the mistake he made in 2022 and announced that he would send 300,000 of his troops to the center of the line of fire.
The announcement was made on the second anniversary of the first mobilization in September 2024. This in itself showed Putin's attitude. But history repeats itself, and the strength and conviction of women is a factor that should not be underestimated by the authorities in any nation. It is likely that they will be inexperienced soldiers who are currently undergoing short-term training inside Russia.
Ivan Balf, the head of the training department of the Russian Armed Forces, did not specify when the 300,000 reservists were trained. There are many doubts about this, but the Russian military leadership claims that they were trained in 2024. Former Defense Minister Sergey Shu established nine reserve battalions to train and prepare contract soldiers to compensate for Russia's losses in Ukraine. By the end of 2023, according to Shu, 335,000 people signed up to fight voluntarily.
The Russian Defense Ministry has already confirmed that more than 300,000 soldiers have recently signed voluntary contracts to participate in the war in Ukraine, which the Kremlin and state media describe as a "special military operation." While it is unclear whether they have been trained and whether they will voluntarily join the war fronts, the Kremlin's move highlights a significant shift in Russia's military approach. Relying heavily on volunteer soldiers instead of large-scale conscription is a sign that the Kremlin's military structure is in decay.
Ivan Balf, head of the combat training directorate of the Russian Armed Forces, said the creation of reserve regiments designed specifically for this purpose had been successful. But it seems unlikely that a professional army can be replaced by 300,000 reluctant but volunteer battalions. This is because these regiments are usually new recruits who are willing to serve for a certain period of time under contract, offering an alternative to compulsory service.
In other words, volunteer military elements can only increase the casualty figures of the Russian army, as they will not receive adequate training in warfare. Mobilization is a tool for gathering manpower, but if the morale of this force is low or if it is constantly questioned by mothers and wives, military success is very difficult. Airplanes, artillery, and tanks are one thing, but the war is ultimately fought on the backs of people.
Such a big reaction from the families of these people also damages the motivation of the Russian army. Despite the possibility of higher casualty rates, this volunteer force is becoming a surprisingly integral part of Russia's military strategy. It allows the Russian government to mobilize additional forces for the ongoing war in Ukraine without resorting to mass conscription, which can be seen as a politically sensitive move.
Voluntary service contracts usually come with stipulations on salary, benefits, and the duration of the soldier's commitment. The government's reliance on these contracts reflects a broader trend in the Russian military. This trend aims to strengthen its ranks with individuals willing to fight for compensation instead of compulsory service. This is seen as another factor that could set Russia up for a military disaster instead of success.
There are also, of course, doubts about whether these 300,000 soldiers who will be sent to the war in Ukraine will really be sent to the front of their own free will. Already, some of the Russian soldiers at the front are fighting without an answer to the question, "Why are we here?" The same question is being asked by women who cannot be reunited with their husbands and sons.
Moreover, it seems that the Russian economy will not be able to cover this cost for a long time. While the soldiers were miserable at the front in terms of salaries, equipment, and logistics, Russian officials were content to say, "Everything is fine; support our heroes." As time passed, the number of those who fled the mobilization reached hundreds of thousands. The fate of those who could not or did not want to flee was the news of deaths and casualties coming from the front lines.
Although official statements say casualties are very low and the operation is going on successfully, there are thousands of women across Russia who ask, "Where is my son?" Many of them think that young people who had not been in the army before, or who had been trained quickly, who were said to have barely learned how to dig in the ground, were buried under the rubble and that there were mass casualties.
Russian mothers continued to search for their children, following every trace of them. Just as the hopes of the mothers were crumbling, an unexpected move came: a project was launched to make these mothers happy. But unlike the Russian regime, this project was carried out by Ukraine. Now we will take an in-depth look at this project and discover how the reputation of the Kremlin regime has been destroyed and how Ukrainians care more about the missing Russian soldiers than Putin.
The Ukrainian initiative to find missing Russian soldiers, called "I Want to Find," provides information to families about Russian soldiers who have been captured or killed. The initiative is a stark contrast to Moscow's "We don't care about your soldiers" stance, and it makes women think, "Even the Ukrainians, the so-called enemies, care more about our sons than we do." This is a devastating blow to the Kremlin's reputation because, in the eyes of the mothers, it is inconceivable that Ukraine, rather than the state, is lending a helping hand.
Some families are contacting Ukrainian hotlines directly to ask about the fate of their children. The very existence of this communication is dangerous for Putin. The public realizes that the declared enemy is providing more information and compassion to the families. Being reduced to the position of a ruler who cannot fool mothers with hush money challenges the historical legitimacy of the Russian leadership.
A separate "I Want to Find" project, part of the "I Want to Live" hotline launched in September 2022 by Ukrainian military intelligence to help Russian soldiers surrender, was created to address questions from Russian families about missing soldiers. The project was launched with the aim of voluntary surrender of Russian and Belarusian servicemen as prisoners of war. Bodan Okeno, head of the Secretariat of the Coordination Center, announced in an interview that more than 50,000 applications were submitted by Russians looking for missing servicemen under Ukraine's "I Want to Find" project.
This is indeed a striking figure. Bodan Okeno says that these numbers reflect only those who are not afraid to contact Ukraine and suggests that the real number of Russian soldiers missing in action could be much higher. Okeno criticized Russia's lack of effort to find or identify the missing, noting that many of these soldiers are scattered in Ukrainian fields.
Russian Deputy Defense Minister Anna Cova announced that her ministry had received 48,000 DNA test applications from relatives of missing soldiers seeking information about them. Speaking at a roundtable discussion in the State Duma, Cova claimed that the DNA data of relatives was collected and stored in a database, which inadvertently provided a rare insight into the number of soldiers missing in action.
Andrei Kovalov, chairman of the State Duma Defense Committee, warned against making such figures public and said that such information was sensitive. These statements clearly showed how Ukraine and Russia were acting on this issue. The Ukrainian side cared more about the Russian soldiers than the Kremlin and made more efforts to find the missing soldiers.
The Ukrainians were well rewarded for their perseverance. Since its launch in January, Ukraine's "Kochu Naiti" ("I Want to Find") project has helped find 588 missing Russian soldiers. Of the Russian soldiers, 533 were found alive among the captives, while 100 were released to Russia as part of a prisoner exchange. Of those who lost their lives, 55 were identified, and the remains of 33 of them were handed over to Russia.
Since the beginning of the year, the service has received 20,900 requests from relatives of Russian servicemen. This is another record broken by the Ukrainian service "I Want to Find." The information on the website states that the project was initiated by the Ukrainian P's Coordination Center as a demonstration of Ukraine's commitment to the principles of international humanitarian law.
Revealing all these facts, the Russian authorities do not communicate properly with the soldiers' relatives. No one was informing the families about what happened to the Russian army soldiers after they remained in Ukraine as occupiers and invaders. With this project, the Ukrainians have turned the tables and raised the hopes of Russian families.
To summarize, there are many examples in history where military defeats and collapses in Russia have often been accelerated by internal revolts or mass protests. Now, this mothers' revolt could be the biggest threat to Putin. Some analysts predict that this is not a scenario for a full revolution, but that public discontent will deepen and Putin will harden his security apparatus.
Still, these reactions from the wives and mothers of tens of thousands of soldiers killed or disappeared are by no means a spark that can simply be extinguished. It is important to remember that mothers have great moral authority, even in traditional patriarchal structures like Russia. These women, acting out of genuine emotion beyond the lies or propaganda of the state, are pushing the regime into the corner in the strongest possible way, saying, "What political interests are at stake over the blood of our sons?"
This is why the regime is afraid. Because even in the post-Soviet era, structures such as the well-known Committee of Soldiers' Mothers were not considered illegal, but they have always met with great reservations from the state. Against this backdrop, there are two paths for Russia in the coming period: either the Kremlin will choose to suppress these women's movements with harsh methods and risk a bigger backlash, or it will take a shocking step back and consider softening the war.
For now, Putin seems to be on the first path. But if the heavy losses on the ground in Ukraine continue, if the Russian economy moves closer to collapse, the revolt of the mothers could lead to major political upheavals in Moscow. Looking at the current picture, Putin is still experimenting with new waves of mobilization with the message, "Hold tight; victory is near," adding to this the rhetoric that 300,000 new volunteer soldiers are going to the front.
But even the term "volunteer" is objected to by the wives and mothers of the soldiers, saying they are being forcibly recruited. What volunteerism? Indeed, the extent to which conscription in Russia is voluntary and to what extent people are forced to do it due to pressure and financial hardship is a big question mark.
The war is shaped not only by the duel of tanks and cannons but also by the tears and rebellion of mothers. In short, the cry of soldiers' mothers and wives in Russia, "We are tired of being good girls," has become Putin's worst nightmare. "Stop this war; don't sacrifice our sons; we don't want your lies." They are speaking the truth that the Kremlin does not want to hear.
At the moment, the Putin regime may be surviving on the strength of its security apparatus and propaganda machine, but every life lost on the front line is fueling the rebellion at home. It is precisely if Putin fails to heed this voice from within that Putinism's most devastating blow is likely to have grave consequences. As the casualties mount and the war drags on, the concept of Russian mothers and wives could become the biggest popular movement to shake Putin's power.
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