Transcription
Good evening. Welcome to Prometheian Action and Prometheian PAC's Monday night discussion. I'm your host, Mike Stagger. And um, clearly, the subject on the table tonight is the attempted assassination of President Trump, much of his cabinet, some of the press corps. I mean, what would, what could have happened if Secret Service hadn't created a pretty intense barrier? As much as there's talks of various failures, um, there was also a pretty intense perimeter of control. Um, now, had it been more of an elaborate planned operation, then maybe the situation would have been much different, of course. And I'm sure there's intense discussions from Susie Wilds and others regarding, she was reported to be holding a discussion on the meeting.
But what I want to discuss tonight is the environment from which this is unfolding. And there's two aspects to that. The first aspect is the one we know well, which is the propaganda environment. And for those of you watching on YouTube, if you like this content, hit like and subscribe. Check out our free newsletter in the description, and that will take you also to sign up to get emails to join these calls live. But the, the main environment, of course, is the propaganda environment. And we all know it well. We swim in an ocean of it. If you've partly, you've gotten involved with Prometheian Action, you've seen our YouTube videos, you gained insight, you gained clarity about the ocean that you were swimming in, and you didn't maybe realize that you were deep swimming in an ocean. An ocean meaning that it's, it's not some kind of, there's a few things in the air, but, you know, generally you can breathe. In an ocean, you're surrounded. You're in a soup, and that dominates the process. Yes, you can see certain distinct objects as long as there's light, but it's not, it's a soup. It's, it's a completely kind of controlled environment, um, as a dynamic. And that's this kind of picture I have. When you start to realize the kind of intelligence and cultural operation that you're living in daily, that's partly why we take such a sharp focus.
I mean, I've, I've gotten, you know, feedback recently from people on X, you know, people criticizing or trying to find ways of judging or pushing our assessment aside, saying, "You guys never disagree with Trump. You never have criticisms." If we went and wanted to find criticisms and disagreements, we could certainly do that. I, you can do that with anyone. Certainly in politics, that's not hard to do. The, the more important question is, is it easy to disagree with Trump today? And certainly it is. And when it's so easy, when popular opinion is so conducive to think a certain thing, you know that's a controlled environment. And that's why the people in that room may have, some of them are, are dimwits. Some of them are midwits. Some of them may even be relatively intelligent on an individual level, but they lack the broader historical or, you might say, philosophical depth and scope to recognize the environment they're playing within. Well, I'm doing really good in this soup. Why do I care what the soup is like? Well, because the soup may be taking you down a drain that you never imagined, and it's taking maybe all of us down that drain. And it should not, you don't, you don't expect that to be the outcome of your life and your life's work. But many in that room, in the DC media, in the broader media environment, have become pliable at best, or direct saboteurs of our nation's actual culture and orientation. That's just the world we live in. And the more you come to realize that, the more you say, "Okay, now how do we determine the truth of the situation?" That's where we fight a much bigger and deeper fight. And as much as the fight right now is to secure the midterms, and I'm going to discuss some of the aspects that Trump and his team and our movement, the broad MAGA patriotic American movement, are taking to secure these midterms.
Um, and part of this, I also, we discussed it earlier today, Tony and I and others. Um, we do want to find out what you're thinking. Part of these calls is for us to give you some assessment of what we're thinking, what I'm thinking, but it's also good. It works both ways. After such an incident, it's good to kind of see what you guys are thinking regarding this. So, in that light, if you want to go to the bottom of the screen and do a Q&A, um, hit the Q&A thing. Maybe it's three dots. I have it under three dots and more. Zoom's always upgrading or changing their interface. Um, you can put your thoughts into Q&A. Um, better there than in a chat, especially if they're serious and you're really, this is what you're thinking. I mean, the chat's great for fun stuff or people that you might know or live nearby, but serious thoughts, put in the Q&A so I can go through those and kind of respond. Um, and also, once I get done with my remarks, you can raise your hand and we'll, we will take some live questions as well.
So, there's this media environment, and clearly the media is culpable. Are they going to change? I don't know. I mean, I don't think any of us are. I think all of us are skeptical. The question isn't the media. The question is how the media has been affecting. And then the media, we're not just talking lamestream. We're talking, I mean, everything from like, uh, we got the Tucker Carlson phenomenon. You've got all kinds of people who have sown a kind of cynicism towards Trump and towards what he's been creating. And what echoes today is that Butler attempt, because that was a turning point, much like the Mar-a-Lago raid was a turning point. And, and what Butler, especially because we're dealing with an assassination attempt today, not just an egregious abuse of political power, but another attempted assassination, is that it, it called into question the entire attack on President Trump over the six year, eight years, nine years prior from when he starts running till Butler. And what was at stake, what would have happened, kind of a split reality in time, a split timeline in reality between two alternatives in the universe. What would have happened if Trump was no longer there? And people were shocked by that realization. Now, this isn't clearly as dramatic, uh, as the actual Butler came, as we know, a hair's breadth away. But the, but for the population who was, was moved at on a historical level to recognize that they had to engage. People like Elon Musk had to get off the sidelines at that point. People couldn't sit back and say, "Well, it doesn't really matter what I think, really. Okay, Trump is gone. Right now, Trump is gone. What happens in the world?" And if it's worse than if Trump were here, then you do start to matter because you now have a distinct understanding of two very clear different realities. One getting better, one getting worse. And that echoes today, and it echoes in a way which it's hard to measure. Partly, it'll be interesting to see what responses are from you guys. All of the noise, all of the noise on the Iran war, all this kind of people kind of quaking in their boots, worried about the risk, worried about how this looks. It's kind of like, I mean, at what point do you stop caring about how it looks? But I mean, it's kind of like, what are other people going to say if I support a president taking responsibility for the world, even if it means kinetic military action and, you know, justified warfare of legal murder? I mean, that's what warfare involves. But what are people going to think of me? They're going to think I'm pro-war. I'm not a good person anymore. It's like, well, we have to re-evaluate. And that's partly what's happening culturally. Re-evaluate. What does it mean to be a good person? The whole, the whole Christian church has to re-evaluate. What does it mean to be a good Christian, or just a good human being, which is what Christianity was meant to convey. What does it mean to be good? What is morality? The Pope recently said, you know, there's more to morality than just sex. There's social justice and freedom. It's like, what are you talking about? Can you even define what those terms mean? Define what justice means. I mean, Plato tried 2500 years ago. It's not a very easy question. I mean, Socrates was the wisest man in Athens because he would admit he doesn't know. Now, the Pope says, "Well, there's a lot more to morality." But what does it mean to actually fight in this world? And a lot of people have forgotten. They've gotten persuaded by the day-in-day-out barrage of waves in that soup of an ocean that they're swimming in to convince themselves, "Just go with the flow. Just take whatever. Just don't go with the least resistance. Take, make it easy." So, come up with a few criticisms of Trump. Yeah, you don't like war, right? War is bad, right? Just, and Trump, Trump's waging war. He didn't say he was going to wage war. He said he wasn't going to wage war. Now that he's changed his mind, you've got to say, you've got to denounce him. I mean, that's just logically consistent. I mean, don't you have your own views? Don't you have your own opinion? This is the kind, this is all an intelligence operation. And then, of course, you get the people like, Trump's not a Christian. We talked about that a couple of weeks ago because it was after the Truth post that everyone said he, oh my god, he's the Antichrist. It's always funny to me, you know, they, as soon as they become very Christian, they want to, they want to use that into their political. "I'm a Christian. I want to, I want to lead." I want to, Russell Brand now wants to. I mean, it may be a good. Russell Brand went to Tucker and announced and said he wanted to be the mayor of London. I mean, I probably would vote for him. What I mean, but what is this bruhaha about how morally good and Christian we are now? That's not that kind of talk isn't very Christian. At least not from my perspective. I mean, take on the truth. Take on the hard fights. Go against the grain. Bring fire to the earth. And that's what Trump is doing. And that's the situation for the American people. That's what we were called to do in '24, and we responded. And the same question is going to be up in 2026. Are we going to take on a sense of mission? Not because it's completed. Now you can say, "Okay, can I check the box that what I voted for in '24?" It's like a bucket list. Did Trump do my bucket list? Did he, did he, no wars? Can't say that. Um, did he, is everybody's economic life great? Can't check that box. Did he fix the healthcare crisis? Can't check. It's like, wait a minute. This isn't politics and political warfare, which is far more what this is, is not a consumer realm. And ask the, ask the soldiers on the front line of Ukraine and Russia. If war feels like a consumer endeavor as drones fly recklessly in the air at any minute about to destroy your life. So we are involved in a process of a fight. Has Trump waged effective war?
Now, last Monday, Trump launched five memos. And these may be the most important memos to ever come out of a president's office. We'll have to look back maybe in a year or two to see if that's true, but they may be. But before I get to the memos, um, let me just touch on some of the other things Trump and his team are doing that are shaping the midterms. That one is the Oops. That one is the, um, the memos relate to the major economic initiative Trump has taken. Um, and it could be, like I said, one of the most powerful steps any president has taken in peacetime. Um, it's really a war on economic stupidity. But there are other steps that Trump is dealing with to try to clean up the soup and to clean up what has kept this, this corpse of a Democratic party or Democrat party still walking because clearly this thing is dead and gone. Bodily fluids are ushering everywhere, and yet the press keeps saying, "Yeah, but no, it's doing great. It's, it's, it could win, it could win all these elections." Look at the candidates in California. I mean, Swallwell's gone. Katie Porter's gone. Now they're putting up billionaire Tom Dyer just because he has the money. They're pushing aside. I mean, it's just the bench of the Democratic party is craven. It's, it's, it's a, has a patheticness to it of just corrupt. It's like ghouls, a ghoulish patheticness to the candidates in the Democratic party. They'd be lucky to nominate Josh Shapiro, but there's probably no way they're going to nominate a Jewish governor of a, of a working-class state, um, for president at this point. Um, so what are the Trump's, what are the steps Trump's taking? Well, let's take, we've got the conspiracy that goes back to the Russia Gate. So we have a criminal conspiracy to basically remove President Trump, an attempted palace coup. That's essentially the conspiracy. We don't know the charges yet or how they're going to work this thing, but that's essentially that they illegally moved to defraud the American people of their rightful president. And of course, at the center of that conspiracy is Obama. And if he can't get, if we, if we can't actually indict Obama, we can certainly banish him from any kind of decent life. Netflix has already cut the deal from because he's already, him and Michelle are already just, you know, dead weight into the dynamic for anybody. But this obviously could, could ruin Obama's, you know, any sense of so-called success. At least get him out of Washington for goodness sakes. And the guy's still there, I'm sure, as a justification for causing trouble for his, his, his witches, his witches coven like Valerie Jarrett and Susan Rice and others. But you've just brought in Jody Geneva. You've got the acting attorney general. Pam Bondi's been pushed out. It looks like Todd Blanch is ready to go. This guy looks like he's, he's carrying multiple six-guns and a broadsword. I mean, this guy's ready for war, and he's moving aggressively. He brought in Joe De Genova. Jody Geneva is the guy that prosecuted Jonathan Pollard, the leading, one of the most notorious spy scandals in American history from Israel. By so any means that this is somehow an Israeli controlled plot or presidency seems to contradict this, this, this appointment. De Genova knows the intelligence community, which is at the center of this conspiracy. His wife, Victoria Toensing, also knows this dynamic. So that's one that the conspiracy case, uh, under review by Judge Eileen Cannon, which we know is at least a fair judge and dealt with the fraud and corruption of Jack Smith, and that's expanded. Tulsi Gabbard keeps stacking more and more document releases. So now you've got Michael Charmela, or Eric Charmela, the so-called whistleblower who was directly deployed. But more importantly, the intelligence community inspector general, Michael Atkinson, knew Charmela was as biased as like a Cub fan, you know, playing, uh, playing St. Louis or something. The, um, and he, yet he went to Congress. Atkinson, the inspector general, and told Congress this guy is fine. No bias. So total cover-up by the inspector general of the intelligence community. So Gabbard keeps releasing documents. She's obviously got the backup of key Trump supporters. Even though others like Laura Loomer keep wanting to try to drag her out of the administration, there's a reason she's there. She is fully committed to that side of this fight. Fully committed. And clearly, she's not, she's not flinching on a lot of Trump's foreign policy. She may not be the one initiating it, but she is certainly backing the president up on this aspect. So that's one element of it, which it's hard to say what this is going to be, but it can be part of an October surprise that these things can build up to where, because there's been so much noise, but if you can have clear and direct action around September, around October, that can clarify for people, that can remind them and jog their memory, "Remember all of that that happened? Remember that? Are you going to bring that back into power? Stop talk, stop wondering, how do I feel today about President Trump? And remember the fight you're in. Remember the kinds of, you know, mass immigration, all the other factors." And Trump is very sharp on this with Laura O'Donnell on 60 Minutes.
Okay, so that's one. Then you've got the ActBlue. You've got investigations of ActBlue. What is ActBlue? You've got an attack on James O'Keefe. James O'Keefe was the outlet, the investigative reporter, and his team that went and looked and found out that people that were contributing to ActBlue, supposedly for $20 on a, you know, like a generic debit Visa card from Walgreens, never ever gave to ActBlue, never ever gave to the Democrats. This was just the money laundering scheme that Obama started back in like 2008, and certainly in 2012, using drug cartel money and foreign money from Mexico into, uh, his campaign contributions to have so many online contributions from small donors. But the whole thing was a racket. And of course, if nothing's ever done about it, that kind of corruption becomes systematic and metastasizes. That's all ActBlue practically is today. Because how many working-class Americans are giving to this Democrat party? Um, I mean, how many were giving to Kamala Harris? So, um, that's under investigation.
Then you have the SPLC fraud. This is $800 million, but it's indicative of the entire broken window agenda, right? You set up a shop to fix windows, and then if business is bad, you go drum up some broken windows. It's clearly that this has been a playbook for all of these groups. The ADL, SPLC, Human Rights Watch, um, Media Matters. I mean, they've built this thing up. They did it with Russia Gate. Who are the possible pro-Russian supporters? They just go hunting for these kinds of things and then say someone did something, they build it up into some crazy case. But, of course, SPLC was the leading factor. As one person said, uh, the Southern Poverty Law Center never did anything for anybody in the South or who was poor. I mean, they came up out of this so-called civil rights movement, but they've always been hijacked by the radical liberal faction who sought to push the country away from its traditional American outlook of economic growth, of science, and industry. That's their ploy. That's huge. And it puts a lot of these other organizations on watch.
Then you've got the whole welfare fraud question, and that continues to be extensive. It's penetrated deep. We know Minnesota, California. We haven't even gone into the Northwest yet. It'll be New York and Maine. So, there's a whole factor there. Um, you've got the whole border question and the money coming in. We know, we know that the cartels were laundering money into politicians' campaigns and bank accounts. Some of these politicians don't even set up campaign accounts. What they set up are private accounts that you can just put money in, or they set up a business where you can just pay the business money, and there's nothing you can do about it. It's a complete end-around campaign finance law because, as a, as a politician, you can still be running a business anyway. So all of this from the border, the welfare fraud, the NGO apparatus to the, uh, the Democratic Party fundraising operation, which is how they were laundering foreign money or billionaire money directly into campaigns. Um, and then, of course, we have the outright treason and conspiracy process. So that's, I think, a solid review of at least elements that are ongoing. I might have forgotten some. Maybe you'll remember some, and if you do, you can put them in the chat or in the Q&A, and we can discuss it more.
So, there are, Trump is clearly beginning to kneecap the means by which these kind of atrocious midwit and dimwit politicians like Newsom and others keep getting reelected, and why they have these huge financial flows, and how they continue to kind of direct more and more money. It is known the Democratic Party is has half from one-third to maybe a half of what the Republicans have in the bank. President Trump has a war chest for these midterms. This is not over. This is going to be a brawl. And you've got to have those points, you know, artistically, that artistic composition to jog the memory, to remind people in the course of the movie what happened earlier with that, like, "Oh yeah, I forgot about that." That kind of, of planned operations. And I think his campaign and his political team see that this is the kind of dynamic we've got to create. But a, but a bigger part, so that's politics. There's the art of politics. It's total political warfare. Read Machiavelli. No one should ever, you know, give Machiavelli a bad name. He's an incredibly insightful figure in Western civilization of how do you wage political warfare to build a system of self-government. That's what Machiavelli was discussing. This isn't like how to connive and control. It was how do you wage war against an oligarchy that wants to destroy you on political terms. And in that process, he worked closely with Leonardo da Vinci. And if you want to check out more, Bob Ingram just gave a class on that a few weeks ago. Um, oh, thank you. So, somebody remembered the election systems.
The final point before I get into the broader economic questions is the Save America Act. And we all know that has to come down hard. And Thune is under massive pressure. You know, he needs to start singing a different tune. Um, and this has got to be a real fight. It's really for, it's a question of forcing the Democrats to get on the Senate floor and do everything possible to sustain and control the floor and debate, um, through an actual real filibuster. Now, that shuts down the entire Senate while he's doing that. If you're holding debate on one issue, I had, I wanted to review what this meant in terms of changing the filibuster. It's not so much a rule from '79. It's more of a procedural dynamic that developed in the Senate to allow things to go on while there was a filibuster on something else. So, he didn't hang up the whole Senate. All sounds very bureaucratic and BS. The reality is Thune just has to hold the floor on this issue of Save America Act. There's discussion of putting it with the, the FISA process. I don't know where that stands. I know there was discussion of it. I think people were skeptical. There was opposition in the Republican caucus in the House. But pressure's got to come on. On. And I think that's coming. There are things JD Vance can do as vice president, but it's a question of deciding to hold everybody's feet to the fire from, um, uh, Lisa Murkowski in Alaska to Collins in Maine. Certainly exposing just outright hatred for Mitch McConnell from Kentucky, wherever that guy is going to retire and be buried in his kind of crippled condition, but there's got to be a fight on that. We know it's huge, but I think Trump is marshalling the forces to get that done. Right now, of course, his attention is getting this Iran situation solved.
Let me just make a quick note on Iran before I pivot to the broader economic issues. I'll do that quickly, and then we'll take questions. Um, Iran came out today and said, "Hey, we've got an idea. Why don't we open up the Strait? You guys end your blockade. We'll open up the Strait, and then we can discuss the nuclear thing down the road a little bit." I'm sure Trump had to have a bit of a chuckle. So you want us to end the war, end the blockade, and you're not going to concede anything, >> except you'll let oil go out to the rest of the world. You know, from Trump's perspective, I think what we can say from, you know, you know, people that support a general peaceful condition of the world, I don't think there's a real problem of people coming, getting a lot of oil from the United States. Maybe Nigeria can increase their output. Russia could increase their output. That's happening to some degree. We can just find alternatives to this Persian Gulf. I mean, replacing it entirely is hard. Saudi Arabia is already pushing most of their oil per day into the Red Sea. They have a pipeline. Um, I don't think Trump's even thinking, even flinching a moment. I don't think he's even considering ending the blockade. I think what it shows is that Iran is really squeezed, and that Aragchi, their foreign minister of Iran, admitted what's reported to Pakistan. Uh, the reason why is we just don't have any agreement on how to respond to what President Trump is saying on the nuclear questions. It's a fractured regime. They're feeling pressure. They would like to sell some oil. They're, they feel really boxed in by the blockade, and they're not sure what to do. And of course, Aragchi and the diplomats have no real major power. It's going to require some kind of power shift, and we'll have to see how that plays out. I think that's where it stands, and I think the tension is right. And President Trump has insisted, "I'm going to get a good deal. I don't care. You're not going to push me." He's told the press over the weekend, you know, Friday, "You're not going to push me. Try, try as you might. They're not going to push me into rushing and making a bad deal for the American people." He wants to get this resolved. And it really means just Iran dropping the rhetoric that somehow their raison d'être of existence is to hate America. Why don't you just love Iran? Why do you have to hate America? Just love Iran, and all this will will work, will work out just fine.
But the bigger question is what Trump is doing on a global energy question. And of course, there's a lot of energy purchases from the United States. The obviously the prices are high, so people are able to pump more, and they're going to max out. The, um, Trump's five memos address how do we massively expand the infrastructure in the United States from pipelines in Alaska, from the North Slope to ports in the south of Alaska that can be sold into the Pacific, Japan, Korea, etc. Um, massive natural gas and oil, the, um, refineries, getting more refineries built in the Gulf of America, getting the grid rebuilt, uh, and other large nuclear projects. But the interesting thing about these memos is that they are the Defense Production Board memos. They're the Defense Production Act. This was an act set up to make official the war mobilization that took place in World War II, where private corporations like Ford and Kaiser shipyards and these other kinds of, I mean, I don't think Kaiser shipyards existed, but, um, Kaiser was a major construction and industry company, um, that we could call into play these private corporations to start taking on responsibilities of production. You could mandate that we want you, you pay them, but you're mandating that they produce certain questions, certain things, certain necessary items. Of course, you often think of that as just kinetic arsenal. And that's how the media has conveyed it, that President Trump has gone to General Electric, General Motors, and Ford to replenish our arsenal. I'm sure in some cases that's true. Between Ukraine and now Iran, we've depleted some of it. But the bigger question is that that discussion with those private companies is part of this Defense Production Act, uh, deployment. The five memos are to basically rebuild the energy structure of the United States, and it is premised on the energy national energy emergency Trump declared, I think in January or maybe at the latest February of 2025 last year. So we declared a national energy emergency. Trump thought that that would be enough, and he opened up financing capabilities at that time of $250 billion in financing, and he thought at low rates, nobody bit. No one's really building. So it's been 15 months. There are no nuclear power plants under construction in the United States. The grid is still in greater disrepair. No one's putting, no one's expanding refineries. There isn't a kind of motion that like we are going to start building again. Not surprisingly, the administration thought, let's see if the private sector, Wall Street, finance, and private industry would jump on this, the states, etc. Now, there are reasons maybe why they're not. There are risks. We haven't demonstrated a productive potential, but there aren't risks ultimately. Ultimately, you're going to get a plant built, and it's going to produce power, and it's going to be consumed because the power demand in this country is, is going to double over the next 5 to 10 years. We, we need approximately 700 more power, nuclear power plants just in nuclear to kind of really situate and stabilize. If say you're going to do most of that doubling with nuclear, which is be the smartest way of doing it, at least a good portion of it, you need somewhere between 500 and 700 plants. Um, but you also need the fossil fuels. You need it for fertilizers. You need it for the airplanes. You need it for the other transportation systems. You also need processed heat. But that's where nuclear is really good at. So what's different about these five memos is that one, it's war powers. Trump is giving war powers to say, "We have a national emergency. We're bringing in the manufacturing. We're bringing in the factories. We're trying to open up these AI, but no one's building the power stations. The AI companies want to go wind and solar." Uh-uh. They want to build battery plants. Nope. Sorry. Power on the grid. They're just not making the investment. Many of them, as Trump said one time, "You guys should," I, they said, "You really want us to build our own power plant?" He's like, "Yeah." And he said, "Why?" He said, "Because we thought you were kidding." I'm not kidding. Yeah, you want, you want 500 megawatts of power, you, you need to, you need to build it. Um, you're not just taking that off the grid. Doesn't exist. We don't have it. Like where I'm in in Michigan, we're maxed out between what's not going to be online during a crisis because of natural, um, upgrades and repairs, and what your peak max is for like a really hot or very cold day. You don't have the room. We can't put on a bunch of data centers. And I'm sure that's true for most states around the country. Uh, they've just maxed out the grid, and all this electric and solar means nothing for those moments. It means nothing. You can't count on them when you have to have it. So, um, and all they do is make the whole thing more complicated. But Trump has handed this to the Secretary of Energy. So he's handed war powers to move natural gas systems and pipelines and, uh, and, and filling stations, you know, liquid natural gas shipping stations, refineries, building the transformers. 80% of the transformers we use in the United States are imported. Anything you want to build, a factory, a data center, a power plant, anything you want to build, you're going to have to have transformers. And you need, you need a certain quality of steel to make these. Uh, so it's an entire industrial process, and it is the most upstream. If you were going to say, say you come to the colonies in the 1630s with the Mayflower, with the, with the, uh, Puritans, and they want to start setting up some iron foundries, what do you need? You need a source of water for power, right? You need the water wheel power to get, make sure your, your forge or your iron foundry has some means of operating, because at the time, in the 17th century, your power was water supply. Well, today we have electricity. We have power systems. That's the most upstream. Anything else you want to do is going to be downstream from the power supply. If you're rebuilding the industrial capacity, and you're bringing in big private sector companies like General Motors, Ford, and General Electric, that know how to be industrially productive and have a history of doing it, and they can re, have that memory recall, that jogged memory. You're starting to see the potential for this to happen. Chris Wright is by far the most intelligent, moral, and capable energy secretary we have ever seen. And he may be one of the most qualified cabinet secretaries ever. But this is not under Pete Buttigieg. This is under Chris Wright. It's a war powers like mobilization, but in the hands of the Secretary of Energy. And the, the factor is that between, uh, what the One Big Beautiful Bill gave and other loan capabilities inside the Department of Energy, the Big Beautiful Bill gave it to the Pentagon. There's $450 billion dollars worth of financing. A hundred billion could build 10 nuclear power plants and get those started. We have 11 sites right now that are already licensed for construction. This could move quickly. We have over 50 sites that can build one or two plants because they're already on the nuclear campus. You have 28 states in the country who are wanting to or who are bidding with the Department of Energy to build nuclear waste recycling systems in their state. 28 states. This isn't Yucca Mountain. Nobody wants it. This is 28 states competing for two or three sites for massive nuclear industry, energy, recycling, and waste management systems. So, um, these are the kinds of things that you don't, aren't impressive. That's why Trump is maybe cleaning up problems in Iran. He's cleaning up other problems because he knows on an economic level, this is going to take some time. But there is no way you can't say steps aren't being taken. That in addition to the political fights, all of the corruption, all the money, all of the conspiracy, all of this kind of, um, kind of the NGO complex, this political private NGO complex the Dems have been using to feed massive amounts of money into their political corruption regime. All of that's getting targeted. Trump is also operating on a much deeper economic level, which we could see move fairly quickly here. And I think, you know, if we do, I mean, Brian Lance gave a great report, maybe Tony can post that in the class on Saturday night, and Brian Lance, who is one of our top fiscal economists here with Prometheian, we'll keep an eye on this if this moves. Um, and I think it's going to, then we're going to bring reports back, and I think that's going to be really critical to give people a sense. It's not going to be our, we've done yet. Did we win? Did we win? Okay, then I want another round of winning. It's, are we, are we engaged in fighting to rebuild the country? That's what's going to be, that should be the question that Americans are asking in these midterms. And we've got to, we've got to help organize them so they're asking the right question, and not being defined by the question the media wants you to them, wants them to think about.
So anyway, that's what I wanted to say tonight. Hopefully, that you find that useful. Um, end. So, thanks for watching. On YouTube, click like and subscribe and get our free newsletter. And thanks for watching.