Transcription
Greetings. A greeting to all. A greeting to everyone. I introduce myself. I am Giorgio from the historic house of art, and I will accompany you over the course of five meetings. To the discovery of an idea, of a symbol, and of a meaning that has always accompanied us and accompanies our collective and daily thinking, namely the concept of the labyrinth. The labyrinth, as we will understand, has truly accompanied human identity since antiquity, and it has accompanied it in multiple forms, both symbolic and allegorical, sometimes only philosophical. But it is a type of concept, of symbol, of form that has truly walked hand in hand with the development and progress of the human being over the centuries, a development, a progress, a change of form at times that we will try to explore in this series of five meetings, hopefully in the best possible way, in the most captivating way possible, precisely because labyrinths undoubtedly deserve to be even better known than they already are. Well, in this series of five meetings, we will retrace from antiquity to our days, to the most recent days, the development of this truly unique, fascinating, and we could say constant symbology within the history of the entire world. But, as they say, let's cut to the chase, let's not beat around the bush any longer, and let's truly dive in medias res, at the beginning of this our first meeting. A first meeting that, as the slide itself suggests, will focus on myths, terms, and symbols that from Knossos to Ancient Rome have, in a certain way, shaped this symbol, this conception, and this idea of the labyrinth. Therefore, we will retrace the phases of the birth of this labyrinth, a birth also from a terminological point of view, up to proposing the very first examples of what were rock carvings and more, from the ancient Bronze Age. But before doing so, I believe it is appropriate, using the Treccani vocabulary, to observe what is today the definition of the term labyrinth, precisely a noun, as Treccani tells us, masculine, derived from the Latin "labirintus" and from the Greek "labur insos," a word of pre-Hellenic origin, but on which it is interesting to dwell on the first meaning that Treccani provides for this noun, namely: "name of some legendary architectural constructions of antiquity, of ingenious and so complicated structure due to the interweaving of rooms, corridors, galleries, as to make orientation and therefore exit very difficult for those who entered." I would say that Treccani explains in the best possible way the meaning with which we still use this term today, a meaning that is the result, that is the child of a past, of a historical background that, precisely since antiquity, has taken its steps. And one could say that the phrase "since antiquity" is, in a certain way, extremely pertinent if we examine the first evidence we have regarding the use, or rather, regarding the use of this term. And to do this, we must go back centuries, to around 440-429 BC, and take as a reference the gentleman we see represented here in this extraordinary bust from the 5th century, today preserved at the Met in New York, namely Herodotus. To him, in fact, we owe the writing of "The Histories," undoubtedly what can be considered the first historiographical work of Western culture. Well, in this extraordinary work, with its multiple linguistic, scientific, and historical values, our Herodotus went on to describe what was the pyramid of [Music] Amenemhet on the Nile, south of Cairo. Well, within this necropolis, it was a necropolis that Herodotus describes for us, a necropolis of over 70,000 square meters with 3000 rooms, 12 courtyards. In short, a necropolis structured precisely to best represent the grandeur and importance of the emperor and his daughter, both buried precisely within this necropolis. Well, in the book of "The Histories," or rather, in the second volume of Herodotus' "Histories," Herodotus describes what was the so-called pyramid of the pharaoh, or rather, the entire complex that the pharaoh had erected in his memory, in remembrance of himself. The pharaoh and his daughter decided to leave a single monument in common, and they had the labyrinth built, which is located south of Lake Moeris, at the height of the so-called city of crocodiles. I saw it with my own eyes, and it is beyond all possibility of description; even to think of describing one by one all the walls and constructions of the Greeks would make them appear forever inferior in labor and money spent to this labyrinth. Here, for the first time, reported here in Italian, Herodotus for the first time uses the term "labirintos," or labyrinth, that is, a series of rooms. Further evidence is also provided by Pliny the Elder, who between 77 and 78 AD, in his famous "Naturalis Historia," or that encyclopedic treatise of a naturalistic character, known to most, our Pliny goes on to describe what was the Mausoleum of Porsenna, which was located precisely in Chiusi, in the province of Siena. And here we have reported in the slides two models of what the mausoleum was, which, as you can see, was something truly monumental, histrionic at the same time, but powerful, if you'll allow the term, at the same time. That power that was meant, in a certain way, to confirm, as a symbol, what was one of the most important Etruscan kings. Well, our Pliny the Elder, in his "Natural History," in his encyclopedic treatise, describes what labyrinths are, and he describes them in an extremely precise and unique way. He describes what the Mausoleum of Porsenna is. He also mentions labyrinths. The most notable work, certainly, of human resource on the labyrinth of Crete has been said enough. Indeed, it is fitting that the Italian one, which Porsenna, king of Etruria, made for himself as a sepulchre, should also be mentioned, so that the vanity of foreign kings might be surpassed even by the Italians. But since the fabulous surpasses all imagination, we will use in this examination the words of Marcus Varro. "Below the city of Chiusi, in which place he left a monument of squared stone, each side 300 feet wide, 50 high. In this square base, there is inside an inextricable labyrinth, where if someone entered without a ball of linen, he could not find an exit." Here, then, are the references and allusions to what we will discover shortly, but what is truly better known is the reference to the labyrinth of Knossos and the myth of Theseus and Ariadne. It is truly something extremely precise. But as precise as the description of Pliny the Elder, who takes up, word for word, or rather, in writing, Marcus Terentius Varro, a Roman scholar, the first to describe this grandeur that King Porsenna had built for himself. King Porsenna, who, inside this extraordinary mausoleum, as you can see, we return to the previous slide, well, at the base of this mausoleum had an inextricable labyrinth built, a labyrinth that, still like Amenemhet II, had the task of testifying to the strength, the power, and the grandeur of a sovereign. The term "enlightened" is certainly not appropriate, but of a sovereign who, in a certain way, left a great mark on history. Well, a grandeur, therefore, that, although in different eras, unites the necropolis of Amenemhet II and the Mausoleum of Porsenna, both therefore characterized by the presence of these labyrinths. A labyrinth, therefore, which we have been able to understand was present at least since 440 BC, at least in its terminology and in its chronicles. Well, this certainty, however, is not at the same time held regarding the origin, the genesis of the name. And indeed, to try to find what can be considered one of the first theories regarding the origin of this name, one must go to the last decade of the 19th century, in particular 1892, the year in which Maximilian Mayer, a German archaeologist and the first director of the Archaeological Museum of Bari, managed to coin what can be considered a first theory on the origin of the name labyrinth. A theory that was taken up in an even more concrete way by the gentleman you see represented here, Sir Arthur Evans, a British archaeologist. To him we owe that extraordinary monograph, we could define it as such, divided into six volumes, titled "The Palace of Minos at Knossos." A vast and extensive monograph that analyzes from an archaeological point of view the development of the famous Cretan palace. Well, Sir Arthur Evans takes up Mayer's theory on the origin of the genesis of the name, a name that the two archaeologists hypothesize, or rather, could derive from the Cretan term "labris." With this term, in fact, the double-headed axe, which you see represented next to the term "labris," was indicated, which, not by chance, was present along the entire perimeter of the Palace of Minos in Crete. The double-headed axe was, in fact, used as a symbol of power, of grandeur, obviously a grandeur that could not be missing in the Palace of Minos. Thus, from the term "labris," the transition to "labyrinth," passing through the Greek "labirinz," is very, very brief and immediate. To this theory, a further one was added, this time coined by two British Latinists, Rose and Ball, who hypothesized the origin of the term labyrinth from the Cretan root word "labra." With this noun, in fact, hypogeal constructions were often indicated. By hypogeal construction, we mean those dwellings, those constructions that were made within the ground, therefore either underground or, as you see concerning the example of the caves of Cortina, precisely in Crete, within actual mountain massifs. Therefore, it is interesting because the chronicles also narrate of hypogeal constructions present under the Palace of Knossos. Thus, that idea, in a certain way, of a labyrinthine environment, sometimes a bit gloomy, is found precisely in the meaning of the second definition, therefore in the meaning of the term "labra." So, "labris" (double-headed axe) or "labra" (hypogeal construction) are the two roots from which criticism believes what we identify today as labyrinth could derive. However, the conception of the labyrinth cannot absolutely not be taken into consideration if one does not have clearly in mind the myth of Theseus and the Minotaur, a myth that is known worldwide to most, if not all. A myth that, starting from the 6th century, as this extraordinary black-figure amphora on a red background with a reserved band, housed at the British Museum, demonstrates, was strongly used in the artistic field for vase decoration. A myth, therefore, that from antiquity to the present day enjoyed considerable success. A myth, therefore, that all of us know, but which I believe it is appropriate to try, in a certain way, to explore a little in the best possible way, because it is fundamental to try to understand why the labyrinth, in its symbolic conception, had so much fortune. Therefore, I believe it is appropriate to divide and narrate the myth of Theseus and the Minotaur, identifying two parts, two parts with their respective protagonists. The first part of the myth can, in a certain way, be represented by figures such as Minos, Poseidon, Pasiphae. These are the four great protagonists of the first part of our myth. And it is appropriate to start with the figure you see on the left of your screens, taken from a very elegant illustration by Gustave Doré, namely the figure of Minos, King of Crete. Minos has a truly particular and unique biography from certain points of view. Minos, in fact, according to mythology, is the son of Zeus and Europa. Europa, daughter of the king of Tyre, inevitably attracted, given her beauty, the attention of Zeus, who, transforming himself into a bull, abducted her from Tyre and, transformed into a bull, led her across the sea along the coasts to the coasts of Crete. Here, what Titian represents with his extraordinary chromatic paste made of dense, corporeal, and unique brushstrokes from every point of view, fully represents the so-called Rape of Europa, where we see Europa supported by Zeus in the form of a bull, abducted from the city of Tyre and led towards Crete. Here, Zeus tried repeatedly to unite with Europa, but did not succeed at first. It is also appropriate to emphasize that it is difficult to resist the will of the king of Olympus. Indeed, after some attempts, Zeus managed to unite with Europa. From this union, seven children were born, including the good Minos. Zeus, returned to Olympus, left Europa to her earthly existence, and Europa ended up marrying the Cretan king. The Cretan king, who in all respects married Europa and also took custody of the children. Upon the death of the Cretan king, Minos claimed the throne, and he claimed it in an absolutely stubborn but at the same time decisive manner. He therefore turned to the second protagonist of our myth, Poseidon, to whom he would have guaranteed a worthy tribute, as well as the construction of an extraordinary temple, if he had consented to Minos's ascent to the throne. And this latter, Minos, precisely to encourage Poseidon even more, asked the latter to generate for him a bull, the most beautiful bull that had ever trod the earth. And this bull, Minos would have offered it, would have immolated it on the altar as a sacrifice precisely to Poseidon, god of the sea. Poseidon generated this bull, which, however, Minos never killed in honor of Poseidon. Versions of the myth say that this bull was used by Minos for his own pastures, therefore to create a sort of absolutely unique and irreplicable bovine lineage. Others instead said that the bull, in a certain way, fascinated Minos so much that the king, the future Cretan king, decided to keep it for himself. The fact is that this bull was never sacrificed to Poseidon, and for this reason, the god of the sea took his revenge, his retribution, against Minos. Here, therefore, the third protagonist of the myth comes into play: Pasiphae, companion of Minos, who, by divine will of Poseidon, fell in love with the bull generated by the latter. And here, then, is this beautiful fresco from the Palazzo T by Giulio Romano, which explains the second part of our myth, namely the narration, according to which Pasiphae turned to Daedalus, the famous architect whom we will also meet in the second part of our myth, who built for the queen a fictitious heifer. Inside this heifer, Pasiphae inserted herself to be able to unite with her new beloved, namely the bull with divine features. The two, after Pasiphae, as well represented, you see in the slide by Giulio Romano, after Pasiphae inserted herself inside this model, the two united, and from this union, as Apollo d'Oro reminds us in his "Library," perhaps the most complete testimony of this myth, she, Pasiphae, gave birth to Asterius, who was called the Minotaur. He had the head of a bull, while for the rest he was human. Thus, here ends the first part of our myth, with our protagonists. Protagonists who change in the second part of Theseus and the Minotaur. In this second part, we find other protagonists besides Daedalus, already known. His son Icarus, the Athenian hero Theseus, Ariadne, daughter of Minos and Pasiphae, and indeed the Minotaur. Proceeding in order, what happens is that Minos, having learned of this union and the birth of this Minotaur, immediately rejected this illegitimate son and asked Daedalus, the architect of that heifer built for Pasiphae, to build an inextricable labyrinth, in the center of which the Minotaur would be placed. Daedalus built this labyrinth, and Minos, out of spite, precisely for the affront orchestrated behind his back by Daedalus and Pasiphae, decided to place the architect of the labyrinth, namely Daedalus, inside it as well. And here we enter that circumstance of myth within a myth, because along with Daedalus, his son Icarus was also placed inside the labyrinth. Daedalus, unable to bear that his son's fate would be forever tied to the labyrinth, decided to build wings, wings that would allow Icarus to escape from the labyrinth. He therefore created this contraption, this extraordinary solution, and these wings were attached to Icarus's back with wax. The only caution that Daedalus gave his son Icarus was not to get too close to the sun, because the wax would melt, and he would fall to the ground. Icarus, obviously young, taken by the happiness and impulse of this invention, flew, flew, flew so high that he approached the sun. The wax melted, and he fell into the sea, giving rise to what is still called the Icarian Sea. But returning, therefore, to our protagonists, Minos, after having built the labyrinth and imprisoned the Minotaur in it, decided to exploit the latter to his advantage. Indeed, Minos had other children besides Ariadne, and among these stood out the figure of Androgeus, a skilled athlete, who, however, was killed during the games precisely because of his skill by the envious Athenians. What happened then was that Minos exploited the Minotaur to subjugate the Athenians and to impose a tribute on them: every 3 years, the Athenians would have to sacrifice 13 young girls and 7 young boys to the Minotaur. After 3 years of this tribute, Theseus, son of the Athenian king Aegeus, decided that this trend had to be interrupted. He offered to be part of those sacrificed who were to be fed to the Minotaur, and he sailed towards Crete with the other 13 unfortunate souls. Upon reaching the Cretan coast, Theseus, disembarking in Crete, met Ariadne's gaze, and one could say that the landing was fateful, because Theseus and Ariadne inevitably fell in love, and she, always exploiting Daedalus's wisdom, managed to find a stratagem, the so-called thread of Ariadne. Theseus, in fact, would venture inside the labyrinth, holding in his hands a thread, a thread tied to a ball of yarn that Ariadne would, in turn, keep hidden under her dress. In this way, Theseus would be able to enter the labyrinth calmly, defeat the Minotaur, and easily retrace his steps, following the thread given by Ariadne. And fortunately, in this circumstance, everything went as it should have gone. Theseus met the Minotaur in the center of the labyrinth, and as this extraordinary sculpture by Canova, today at the Victoria and Albert Museum, reminds us, he prevailed over the monstrous taurine creature. Theseus and Ariadne, therefore, sailed towards Athens to return to their homeland and continue their lives, one next to the other. On the return journey, the ship of Theseus and Ariadne stopped at the island of Naxos. Here, it is not known whether by divine will, therefore by Dionysus or Athena, Theseus set sail for Athens without his beloved, without Ariadne. Ariadne is represented here in an extraordinary pictorial testimony by De Morgan from the late 19th century. She was abandoned on the island of Naxos. Hence, in a way, derives the so-called "piantare in asso" (to leave someone in the lurch), forgive the pun, another myth within a myth, which, however, concludes our mythological narrative. A narrative that, in my opinion, was fundamental to fully understand the development and fortune of a myth that inevitably brought with it the symbol of the labyrinth. A labyrinth, on a symbolic level, therefore began to take on multiple conceptions and interpretations. The labyrinth, therefore, starting from the Bronze Age, began to assume multiple meanings: a symbolic meaning as a symbol of disorientation, a disorientation that is inevitably dictated by traversing this intricate labyrinthine path. The labyrinth also understood as a symbol of knowledge of the other, in this case of the Minotaur, a symbol of knowledge that, however, does not necessarily have to be always read as a negative symbol, that is, a knowledge of the other that leads us ourselves to be enriched by this further knowledge of other aspects of the world. Understood also as a metaphor for existential meaning, therefore in a more religious context, the difficulty of carrying forward one's existence with all the difficulties that life presents us with. But also as a symbol of research, a research that sees the achievement of the center only after numerous steps and also numerous phases, perhaps of setbacks. Another particularity is also the use of the labyrinth as a symbol of knowledge, a knowledge that is placed at the center of this path, but a knowledge that will hardly ever be reached given the complexity of the path that we are called to undertake. A path that, not by chance, as far as Borges is concerned, is represented precisely by his collection, the so-called "Library of Babel," edited by Borges's great friend, Franco Maria Ricci, and which, in a way, fully represents that labyrinthine value of knowledge that is intrinsically present in what was the Library of Babel, a continuous series of corridors, meanders, and paths, in a way, rich, dense with volumes, with books, that no human being would ever have been able to read and traverse in a single lifetime. Well, this symbology inevitably began to spread from the Cretan basin along the coasts of the Italian peninsula. We recall that trade was obviously the basis of everything, therefore those trades that brought this new symbolic form of the labyrinth to spread throughout the Italian peninsula starting from the late Bronze Age, therefore between 900 and 500 BC. Well, this diffusion of the motif, we now begin to find it in some evidence, in some examples. First and foremost is what is called the Necropolis of Benetutti, in the province of Sassari. We are therefore in Sardinia, and precisely in Benetutti, there is what is a necropolis consisting of the so-called "Domus de Janas," that is, of the... constructions, or rather, hypogeal complexes of prehistoric tombs, which were made in the rock. Here, then, is the reference to that hypothetical derivation of the term, therefore from "labra," construction hypogeal, which begins, in a certain way, to return, to return in what are precisely the so-called "Domus de Janas." These hypogeal constructions, which refer to the figure of the "janas," which in Sardinian land recalls these female figures, small female figures of fairies, who had the task, precisely, of helping and accompanying, in a certain way, man throughout his existence. Well, near one of these "Domus," the so-called "Domus de Janas of Luzzanas," there is a rock carving that represents, as we can see from the slide, in all respects, a labyrinth, a labyrinth in what is defined as its Cretan model, therefore a circular labyrinth with seven spirals, therefore with seven turns, which classifies in all respects what was the Cretan model, that model that originated precisely from the city of Knossos and all its derivations. A further model, continuing towards northern Italy, we find it at the National Park of Rock Engravings in Valcamonica. And between the 5th and 4th century BC, it is present, it is depicted in the National Park of Engravings, what is defined as the Labyrinth of Valcamonica. A labyrinth that you see represented here, and which, by trying to zoom in as much as possible, presents next to it, you see from the cursor, next to the labyrinth represented, always in its circular form with seven spirals, therefore seven circumvolutions of the Cretan model, next to it represents what are stylized figures. Well, this, according to part of the criticism, could refer to what is considered a true funerary rite of the Camuni, which is not by chance to be placed next to the rock engraving of the labyrinth. Here, then, that varied symbology we were talking about, including that of earthly existence, could be explained in the best possible way here, because the reference is inevitably present and characterized by these stylized figures, probably of human features, as can be seen anyway, it refers with considerable probability to the journey from life to death and vice versa, therefore that typical journey of human existence that the labyrinth, with all its difficulty of path, represents in all its meanings. Meanings that are further well supported and represented in an extraordinary testimony, in this case a vase, represented by the so-called "Oinochoe Tragliatella." This oinochoe, therefore this jug, to try to make this carafe more understandable, into which wine was usually poured in the Etruscan era, was found in the Necropolis of Cerveteri and is now housed at the Palazzo dei Conservatori in Rome, in Piazza del Campidoglio, and presents a truly particular and unique decoration. Along the band that adorns the central body of the oinochoe, there is, here you go [Music], in the gear, knights, precisely represented on horseback, the first equipped with a spear, both equipped with shields, shields on which are represented two birds, two birds. Here, then, on a symbolic level, this oinochoe exudes meanings, first of all, because the shield, with its circular shape, that typical circularity of the Cretan labyrinth, represents, in all respects, as a symbolic value of the shield, that symbol of apotropaic value. Therefore, the shield is that instrument that inevitably served soldiers to keep evils away, therefore enemies. So it is often seen as a symbol of benevolence, therefore with its apotropaic value. On this shield, not by chance, are represented, as we said, birds. Birds that have been identified by criticism with considerable probability as cranes. Cranes, in fact, on a symbolic level, were often associated with soldiers, because cranes have this way of moving in very precise and punctual files, of moving in dense and well-organized flocks. Well, that same mode that soldiers use to direct themselves, to face battles. Here, then, the Oinochoe Tragliatella, in all respects, exudes, I repeat, great symbolic value. A symbology that is structured entirely starting precisely from the labyrinth, a metaphor in this case of life. But even more so if one continues in what is the narration and therefore one tries to turn from the recto to the verso. In the verso, we find what? Those soldiers lined up, just like the cranes, with shields and spears, and at the apex of this line of soldiers, there is a small human figure, and at the same time, facing her, a figure, we could say perhaps female, it is not clear to identify, who holds in her hand what? However, with considerable probability, a ball of yarn. Here we are, a ball of yarn that perhaps refers in all respects to the famous ball of yarn of Ariadne. Here, then, that attempt, successful precisely as far as the mythology of Theseus and Ariadne is concerned, perhaps that attempt to disentangle oneself from human existence, to find a solution to human existence. Always the labyrinth is extremely interesting regarding the band that adorns precisely the central block of the amphora, because along what is its description, even from the enlargement you see proposed here, one can read the word "Truia," therefore the reference. Criticism has made it run quickly to what is called "Troy lusus," with "Troy lusus" is indicated an apotropaic dance of extremely important value concerning the founding of cities. The "Troy lusus" is a practice described by Virgil in verses 580 to 593 in an extremely precise way, and they were dances that were usually performed during games. However, these dances began to be used also precisely during the founding of a city. This dance, with its very labyrinthine and somewhat articulated progression, was read as a symbol of impregnability. And this is because this "Troy lusus" quickly brings the reference to what is called the Book of Joshua. In the Book of Joshua, in fact, what is called the taking of Jericho is narrated. Joshua, the Israelite commander, is called to try to conquer the city of Jericho. You see, the city of Jericho, which we have here, was characterized precisely by absolutely impregnable walls, by a circuit, therefore, of seven walls, seven walls that had this particularly labyrinthine progression. Therefore, a city that would have been impregnable for Joshua without what was the divine counsel. God, in fact, advised Joshua for 7 days to surround the walls of the city, or rather, more than surround, to go and traverse the walls of the city seven times, accompanied by seven soldiers and seven priests. At the end of the sixth day, in fact, the walls would collapse. Joshua did as indicated. For 6 days he traversed the circuit of the walls. On the seventh day, the walls of Jericho fell. Thus, that impregnable city, well represented also in the mosaics of Santa Maria Maggiore, fell after this divine stratagem. But what is interesting is to see what is precisely the representation of the city of Jericho, which, as you can see, is represented precisely in its labyrinthine mode. A city, therefore, that was impregnable precisely because of the seven circuits of walls. What happens then is that sometimes one speaks not only of the Cretan labyrinth but also of the labyrinth of Jericho. These begin to be the two meanings, two meanings that you can see, however, are found in all respects to be very relevant to what has been analyzed so far, concerning the labyrinth of Valcamonica, concerning the labyrinth of the Oinochoe Tragliatella, and concerning the labyrinth of the Domus of Benetutti. Well, as they usually say, as they usually say, "Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit" (Conquered Greece captured its savage victor), that is, usually, to every winner of a battle go all the burdens and honors of the case. Usually, and the Romans teach us this well, following every victorious military campaign, the Romans acquired everything that was, if you allow me the term, the package of the vanquished, both concerning material goods and concerning what were the so-called intangible goods, that is, customs. In 89 BC, in fact, the Etruscans, to whom all the examples seen so far must be referred, were definitively defeated by the Romans, and they began to assume all the symbolic values of the case. From the Cretan labyrinth, seen so far in all its representations, one passed to what was the so-called Roman labyrinth. A labyrinth that, as you can see, changes its form from a circular form with seven spirals to a square form divided into as many as four quadrants. And here is one of the main particularities: from a Cretan labyrinth, the so-called unicursal path, that is, a single path, one passes to a square labyrinth, multicursal in this case, meaning the paths that can be taken. This particular form of the Roman labyrinth, well, refers once again to that "lusus" or that city of Jericho we spoke of earlier. What happens, in fact, is that we saw what was, in a certain way, the dance that Joshua had to perform to make the city of Jericho fall. Here, then, we repeat the so-called Labyrinth of Jericho, which, in a certain way, represented in all respects a symbol of "fortitudo," of strength, and at the same time also of impregnability. Subsequently, in the Roman context, after this fall, we could say, of the city, in the new foundation, there was usually a moment that preceded what was precisely the material construction of the city, which had the priest as its protagonist. The latter, in fact, after astrological choices, would trace, before the construction of the city, what was the so-called "cardo" and "decumanus," therefore the main north-south and east-west axis. Well, this "cardo" and "decumanus" would, in a certain way, divide the city into four quadrants, those four quadrants that, not by chance, were taken up by the Roman labyrinth, and which had the purpose precisely of making the center of the city, in this case the center of the labyrinth, where the beating heart of the "civitas" was located, impregnable and unreachable. What happens, in conclusion, is that this urban conception, therefore of the fortification of various cities, began to be gradually transferred from the broad urban field to a more restricted, more private field, to the domestic sphere. Here, then, it is not by chance that the mosaic of the so-called Domus of Via Candolini, today preserved at the Archaeological Museum of San Lorenzo in Cremona, best represents this aspect. What happens, in fact, is that Roman "domus" were often decorated with the most varied and refined ornaments possible. Among these, the main room of the house, from the point of view of floor decoration, was adorned with mosaics, with mosaic decorations, which usually, as the case of the Domus of Via Candolini demonstrates, presented mosaic decorations with labyrinthine symbology. And this is because the labyrinth, precisely starting from the so-called "lusus" and especially from the Jericho model, was seen as a symbol of security, impregnability, and fidelity. Therefore, to use this type of floor mosaic decoration within one's home, usually in the main reception room, meant, in a certain way, to testify to what? The symbol, in addition to the security of the place where one was, of grandeur and strength, of "fortitudo," I repeat, of the dwelling that hosted, in this case, the mosaic decoration and the respective guests. Thus, this passage of symbolic impregnability began to be a preponderant part in the representation of the symbolic motif of the labyrinth in the Roman era. This symbolic motif, or rather, floor decoration, gradually extended also to a more Christian model. Religion, in the broad meaning of the term, took what was represented from a secular point of view and decided, obviously using completely different symbology, to bring it back within its places of worship. Thus, in conclusion, the floor decoration of the Basilica of San Vitale in Ravenna, with this extraordinary labyrinthine motif, allows us to understand how the transition from this secular symbology of strength, impregnability, and security, which the Romans managed to generate and make their own, starting from the Cretan model, began to be taken up also in the Christian field, in the religious field. So much so that the main religious buildings, such as San Vitale in Ravenna or Chartres in France, represented, as far as floor decoration is concerned, precisely this revival of the labyrinthine motif. Therefore, a revival of the labyrinthine motif in a Christian key, which, in a certain way, will be the subject of our second meeting. With this, I have concluded our first introduction and, I repeat, first meeting in the history of labyrinths. I thank you for your attention and look forward to seeing you at the second episode, therefore at the re-presentation of the labyrinthine motif in the religious field.