Transcription
Subject to the fundamental issue, the vital issue, the vital emergency for our country. Our independence depends on that question. Same thing for our social model, the question of controlling our expenditure and limiting our overindness. Your support, the minimal agreement without which I will not be able to continue my mission. I'm asking your approval on one single point, the realization of the country's situation. France has not had a balanced budget for 51 years. For 51 years. Every day, every year, expenditures go up, deficits repeat themselves, and debt is accumulating. Every year, each year we spend uh more much more than the year's receipt. Of course, it is justified in periods of crisis. The crisis of uh subprime which was a major financial crisis under Sarosi and the series of crisis we've had since 20, Ukraine, the energy crisis and inflation and threats of all sorts, but uh we continue spending and we never go back. It has become a reflex uh almost like an addiction. Ordinary expenditures of the country, current expenditures for public services, for retirement, for pensions, to repay our health care costs, everything is financed with credits. Hence overrun every year. Every year for one euro of expenditure of excessive expenditure we've had to borrow like a company borrows from the bank when they have a deficit. One euro in deficit is an extra euro in debt and the addition of deficits by billions every year has led us to a huge accumulation. 3.5 trillion in debt at this very moment. This accumulation has a price. It is the fact that we have every year debt to service the debt. What we have to pay creditors in terms of interest and capital and this is an amount we have to pay to avoid bankruptcy. If we didn't pay back, we wouldn't be able to borrow a single cent. But the problem is that we cannot live in a country like ours without borrowing to pay the civil servants, the pensions, to fulfill our obligations as borrowers. Our obligation on a yearly basis and is already above what our country produces every year in terms of growth and progress on top of the year before.
You need to have the exact figures in mind because those figures are far from abstract. They say something that is obvious which we can't pretend to ignore. Every year, if we keep the present rhythm of growth and inflation, every year, France over the previous year produces for an amount of 50 billion euros. In the face of this average figure, 50 billion in 2020, the uh installments represented about 30 billion a year. In 24, the yearly installments were 60 billion. This year, 67 billion. Next year in 26, it will be 75 billion. 27, 85 billion. And by the end of the decade, 107 billion. On the one hand, you create 50 billion with work and you have to repay more than 107, the double. In other words, uh the work of a single year, all the progress we want for our people, for our children, all this is entirely repay to our creditors. And much of our most of our creditors, 70% are foreigners. Those are compulsory expenditures that produce nothing. Do not produce an extra service, not a job, not an equipment. Can be produced with that money. Our country is indeed working. We think we're getting rich, but in fact we're getting poor. Ladies and gentlemen, it is a very silent and invisible hemorrhage. And if it is that unbearable, we shouldn't be able to bear it. We shouldn't tolerate it.
This is the meaning of my uh declaration. Captain of the boat that uh is very much aware of the catastrophe. I'm saying that our duty is right away to make sure the boat and we can survive on it. Everybody's telling me, "Well, it's not that urgent. You're too impatient. You want to go too faster. The ship is still floating. What's the problem? Do not disturb the passengers and the crew." This is precisely where we disagree. This is where we should each take our responsibilities. On the contrary, I'm saying that if we want to save that ship, the ship on which we are with our children, we have to act today, right away. And it is not impossible. It only requires everybody's mobilization and a moderate effort on the part of each of us if we do it on time. But please uh go beyond those consequences for the French people for one minute. Think about what would happen if we didn't do anything. Wherever we are come from, we're all heirs of France. It is this single destiny. We are a middle power by the number of inhabitants. This is what we are today. And today France's destiny is threatened by our lack of responsibility. Foreign nation, the question of influence is vital. The ability to disseminate our universal values. Those values are threatened. Human rights, rights of women, the right to the freedom of women, the rights of children, the right to privacy, the right to freedom of expression, the right to freedom of religion, the right to education, all of those rights which is very large in France and always. Who is defending that but France? How can France defend all of these values through the EU if France is too weak? If it has lost its credibility by losing its sovereignty, we are not defending now our only interest or health or prosperity. We are threatened defenders of threatened values. We have to be able to become independent again if we want to maintain our influence. France is imposing respect uh if we can have our values respected. Being submitted to debt is like military submission. Being dominated by arms or being dominated by creditors is the same. In both cases, we're losing our freedom. In both cases, it is up to us to emancipate, to find the road to freedom. It only requires an effort on our part.
That's why France under the authority of the president of has chosen to equip its armies and soldiers, the military finance law. As you know, for that law to be adopted, we need to have complimentary investments decided because of a series of dangers France and Europe are faced with. Those complimentary and necessary investments represent an extra three billion this year in the plan we presented in July. This is the reason why The government is also proposing a plan to reduce its debt so that France in a few years can improve that problem of debt in four years, which is a reasonable deadline. I'm not saying that we won't have debt anymore in four years, but our debt will not longer grow. That is the plan in 2029, reach the threshold of 3% a year threshold as of which debt will no longer increase. And if the debt no longer increases, creativity, work, confidence, all this means that the country will recover. All this is favorable. We have the technologies for that. We have artificial intelligence or intellectual and cultural creativity or arts or research. If we can get rid of those chains, then we will be able to flourish as a country with future generations. Everything is ready. Everything is emerging. We only need your determination. Um, this of course means a number of efforts, moderate efforts that should be tolerable. Spend a bit less than expected and plans. Stop expenditures and uh say in front of our people that nobody will be left out, but we have to take care of our youngest uh French people. I have talked about the youngest French people and the weight on their generations. The young French men and women who will carry for 30 years or even more will carry the weight of the billions of debt taken out by their parents. They will have to pay for that debt. This debt was not taken out to equip the country as we should have done. Those billions of debt were dedicated to current expenditure, daily expenditures which a normal country should have every year for decades now. On this point, we have broken the confidence contract between generations. I have seen and noticed how the young people feel they are a sacrificed generation. We won't have a retirement. We will never have a pension. And today I know very well that you want us to increase the burden on young people. On the contrary, we think we should reduce that burden to free them from the slavery we put them in. Order. It is simple to tell you about the dual challenge for these young people and dual welfare. On the one hand, they're looking for a job. They're looking for housing in some areas. It is very difficult and even for students, generation that does not see a future for themselves. That situation for us is intolerable from a democratic point of view and unbearable from a moral point of view also. That is also the awareness we have to have. The oldest among us should alleviate the debt for our children. Don't just tell them you love them if you're ignoring the burden of debt they will have to repay in the future on your behalf. Thank you for shouting. It gives me a chance to have a sip of water.
I just told you about the need to have more awareness. In the last uh few months, I have tried to be as transparent as possible. I have seen that a number of people still want to look the other way. In the last few weeks since we have started this work, the first sentence has become, "We are not denying the situation, but we disagree with the methods, with the decisions, with the rhythm at which you want to reduce that, with the root causes. We will fight this and that's why we want to overthrow this government." Some people say, and I know that, we have to ask the migrants to pay more. The foreigners are responsible for everything. And I think some people even say that we're wasting our money with on migrants. Some other people say Europe is the cause of everything. 10 billion here, 10, 20 billion there. It's always easy to say. I agree with you. We should take measure, my measure, and see whether there are anomalies or unfairness for our nationals. That subject. I've decided to do something about the state medical aid to make sure I would take into account Mr. Evans' report. I was glad to see that uh uh we are the first government that is going to take into account that report. But I've heard other people say, "All this is intolerable. Intolerable. The savings made is far from representing what we actually need." Another group of people say, "We have to ask more money from the rich, from the wealthy." Here again, I am not underestimating the efficiency of that measure. Bernardo knows about it. He has become a target of a magical bullet. They are like voodoo statutes that have become targets. Please, not defending the wealthy people, not criticizing them. But I do I am aware of what these wealthy people do for our country every day. The uh surplus in the luxury sector is 40 billion euros a year and that does contribute to France's image. Tourism is also a sector that represents lots of jobs. So some people say, "Just take their money or take 2% of what they have and France's problems will be solved." You're forgetting two essential things here. The first one is that a country like ours needs investors. The 1% of the riches represent most of the private productive investment in France. And you forget a second consequence in the international world which is ours. Those who are targeted have a very simple solution to all this. They just move out of France. They have a series of countries that will uh welcome them very nicely in Europe. Luxembourg, Belgium, the Netherlands for corporations. Ask our British friends. uh they have decided to tax foreigners who didn't pay tax until now. They have moved and the immediate consequence was the increase in real estate prices in Milan, by the way, as Fron knows. That kind of tax measures is forbidden by the constitutional uh council which has decided that it was contrary to the constitution. But here again, I would like to you will be able to take the floor afterwards. Let's listen to the Prime Minister calmly. But I want to repeat here and before you that we will have to find a kind of a contribution that will make sure the wealthiest can make a specific contribution to the national effort. We have to carry out in-depth studies in order not to continue tax planning strategies that are not good for equality and that are controversial from a moral point of view. I have proposed middle of July that parliamentary commissions take part in this work on the solidarity of our tax system. The easy solutions will never be enough to solve our problems. Let's note, by the way, that between those who assert that we're going to increase taxes by 30 million and those that do not want to increase taxes at all. Some say we're going take to take the resources spent on foreigners. We have those who say that they will oppose that measure. Everybody says you want to overthrow the government. That will be a catastrophe for France. Uh total because ladies and gentlemen, members of parliament, you do have the power to topple the government, but you cannot erase reality. Reality will remain the same. Expenditures will keep increasing even further and the debt burden will be increasingly heavy and expensive. There is only one way out for France today like in the 1950s when General De Gaulle and Pes France were both uh saying in the same direction, in one case that a country that is not capable, capable to balance its budget is a country that abandons itself, and the other one said, "I don't want the balance of public finance to go through the constant increase in debt." That is the very question that I'm asking you today, ladies and gentlemen, in this unexpected uh approach in order for parliamentarians to take their own and personal responsibilities from a human point of view. All those who are seeing that something is wrong, even if it's always easier to ignore the situation. In this approach, there is a certain idea of democracy and government. I've chosen to address myself to you as if destiny wasn't written, as if the answer was not announced already in all uh media by all of the groups. So I'm directing to you. I referred to the article 27 of the constitution. The right of vote is personal, which means that slogans and mottos are not uh what we need today. You have to appeal to your personal conscience. All political parties uh which are not part of the government at the present time. All political parties that are not part of the government have announced their decision to overthrow this government, which is not a major thing since we don't even have a majority absolute or relative, and as I already know, we already knew this government wouldn't last very long.
I want to make a clarification here. I have a high uh vision of political movements. I started when I was 20 in my in the same political party. I never left that political party. I have defended it whereas we weren't many to believe in it. I have carried that political conviction and I am proud of the generation of people around me and I am certain that on many of the benches we have the same feeling of faithfulness to that party. But political parties also have a major defect. This is what General De Gaulle was saying, they are always going to be divided. It is unfortunate. Our country needs clarity very urgently. We need unity very urgently and uh division will probably be the most important forces. You're saying that you want to overthrow the government. Those political forces are opposed to one another. Strangely enough, those political parties or enemies have incompatible ideas and they do tend to insult one another. What those political groups and parties are in fact uh preparing, if they do continue in division, they're preparing for chaos. Everybody will be shouting in their own court. Nothing good will come out of that chaos. Therefore, I'm my government is engaging it responsibility, which means that I'm saying here, ladies and gentlemen, members of parliament, the problem uh we're asking you to talk about is very serious. That is a problem that is affecting all of our nationals. We require are your support. Without a minimum support on the part of the members of parliament, the different measures we have to take will not be implemented. Of course, if there isn't that minimal support, that minimal between the main political groups on the need to improve our finance, then of course the government's action wouldn't have any meaning. If it is only a question of pretending uh to making sure that you always give in to bargaining, if you always want to hide the most important to talk about what is not so important. If you want to ignore the fact that we're heading for a disaster, I will not be the man for such a policy. I believe in compromise when it respects the most important thing, the truth of men and women, the priorities between what is urgent and not urgent. We shouldn't have ambiguity and compromise. Asking the country support when there is a need to act. That is the first article of the democratic contract in areas that are so sensitive. I never thought in power struggle. I believe in shared conviction and I think that uh we have to verify that basic agreement whenever is necessary. My conviction is that given the present situation, there are two possible ways only. One way towards which the world is going, the way that considers the destiny of people is to obey. And uh if you want to have this conflict between human rights and the present order, when you justify conflicts, disagreements, lies, and you probably see what is taking place in the West, the West of America. America. You see how this approach of the bulldozer politics, the brutal power struggle seems to impose itself under the applause of some and the discouragement of others. And we here to talk about the other project, the very project of democracy that considers it is more fruitful, more interesting to respect all citizens, all minorities, to consider them as partners and co-responsible of their own destiny. That approach, that method is based on shared truth, a truth shared with all French nationals that will lead to the country's unity and we should avoid perpetual division. The philosopher Max Weber, who was here before and after the war, has defined that project of democracy. Democracy is the social organization that carries to its highest level conscious and responsibility of the citizen. Conscience, i.e., the clearest comprehension of things and events, and responsibility, i.e., commitment and engagement as citizens. We're not here just to obey or fight. We're here to take our part of destiny with our eyes open and uh truth as a compass. We all ask ourselves questions not only about our future, about the future of the world and the planet, but on the way we can take to build that future together. Ladies and gentlemen, members of parliament, what I'm saying is that there is one way, it's the only one possible for France, the way of shared truth and the courage we choose together. Thank you very much. Thank you, Mr. Prime Minister. Thank you very much. We're going to start the discussion, the general discussion. Mr. Boris Valot, president of the Socialist Group. Can you please leave the room quietly?
Mr. President, Madame President, Mr. Prime Minister, dear colleagues, We're here to have a meeting we didn't organize. We're aware of how serious the political situation of our country. We know how tragic the epic is. Um, of course, we know the world can change forever, but there's one only person that is responsible for that. Me, the president of the Republic, and you as prime minister. A president who was beaten during the election, and this is why we are now in this deadlock. We have a moral and public obligation as leaders to be accountable for our acts. You like truth here. It is Macron has in fact broken the countries. It is made of the poor poorer, the rich rest richest. Um, and he has sacrificed our ecology, our sovereignty. We're asking us to share with you the financial situation of the country. I confirm Macron has led us to a terrible situation. In 2017, we were at 3% and now deficit, it is 5.2%. Social protection was in a surplus situation. Now the debt has increased by one trillion. Life is very strange. 40 years to denounce and talk about debt, and only eight. It took you only eight years to increase the debt. Mr. Prime Minister, you cannot talk of a victory today. This is absurd. This is totally void from a political point of view. No, this vote is not an act of courage. On the contrary, it is uh in the face of adversity. You're just abandoning. In the face of responsibility, you're doing nothing. During the summer, we thought you were preparing the budget. In fact, you were preparing uh your departure. Behind that uh gesture, there is another sacrifice. You're sacrificing the French people, the poor people, the the single mothers for whom life is already very difficult. It is on their back. You would like to write your legend. That of a future king who would like to be a writer, and uh you would do anything to serve your own purposes, and this is a moral fault on your part. The government's policy can on the contrary protect privileges or solidify democracies. A statement is judged by what he's been able to do, the influence you've had on realities, the concrete effects of your job. No, Mr. Prime Minister, you're not Pander France. Far from it. And the day after tomorrow, on September the 10th, like Louis, maybe you will say, "They're claiming me." You will continue in your mistakes. Um, how can we, what name can we give to your plan? Human suffering, social injustice, economic inefficiency. We have one of the lowest growth in Europe. You're going to increase unemployment. You're going to add crisis to crisis. It's not only a question. You're not central, even though you're from a centrist party. Dear colleagues, uh, as socialist members of parliament, we have been in the opposition. We have tried to be responsible. We've taken risks. We have decided to focus on complicated choices. We've refused to avoid compromises. We've always tried to keep fighting and never lose sight of the reasons why we fight. Mr. Prime Minister, we have not been up to the jobs. We have had a series of non-promises. We're going to vote against confidence today, and the socialists take the responsibility of saying they're ready with the left and the Greens. We're ready to govern. We're ready to find social and tax justice. Our choices are not yours. Our choices are those of the French, not work capital, not bank holidays. They're here, not memes, multinationals, not recession recovery. We do not want to in fact just submit. We do not want to keep sacrificing. We want people to be able to live from their work. We want to reduce the CSG. We want to in fact do something about the very wealthy companies that pay less tax than memes, and the time for social justice and tax justice has come. We want to have impulse. We will resuscitate our plans, support hospitals. We will prepare for the future. Finally, we're saying yes to history. We will reduce the debt and the deficit, but without being a burden on our lives. We have to abolish injustice and unfairness. We will not in fact go under the direction of the IMF. We're opening a new horizon for the left and for the country. Some people say that governing is like a treason. On the contrary, we want to make sure we bring a change to our voters. Uh, the classes, the middle classes cannot expect. Uh, we know that it is much better to act than talk about programs. There's no majority. There is one majority in the country, the majority of difficult lives. The absolute majority of the French who say their anger, they refuse the policy we've had for eight years. Here we have a a majority of members of parliament who want to oppose the far right. I'm turning to you, if you like the Republic, if you like France, here, the country that suffers, if you love democracy, accept the desire of change from the French people. Yes, it is now time for the left to govern the country. We were first during the last elections. As socialists, we will face our responsibility. We want to serve you with another policy, with another method. That is why we will say it is up to parliament to act. We will look for majorities to meet the emergency and the country's requirements until 27, 27. Of course, we do not want to give up on our hopes. It's not a question of building artificial majorities. Uh, please uh trust uh democracy if we want to find ourselves in a better situation. Dear colleagues, Victor Hugo was saying 175 years ago, he didn't like catastrophe and collapses. Uh, he said, "Humanity, when you do not walk, you will have an earthquake." Today, we do not uh want to sink into a catastrophe. We have to hear what the French people want. We still have hope. Let's not disappoint that hope. It is time for Macron to do his duty. For once, we're ready. We're expecting him. Thank you, Mr. Valot.
Mr. Laurent Vokier, president of the Republican Rights Group. Please leave the room quietly so that Mr. Vokier can take the floor. President, Madame Speaker, Mr. Prime Minister, ladies and gentlemen, ministers, dear colleagues, here we go again. Less than 9 months after a new government is going to fall once again. Every time we're putting our country into instability. Whatever our opinions, whatever our convictions, nobody can be happy about that situation and rejoice about it. If we're here, it's because we love the Republic. It's because through our engagement, we want to rebuild our country because we love France. We can only feel sad in the face of what French politics is becoming under our eyes. When I came here for the first time, the emotion I felt entering into this sacred room of French politics. Here we have heard Brian talk about secularity, spoke as well as ship. Those men were very different from one another. But it all embodied what is noble in French politics. This politics that we love, we see it today being destroyed again by old evils. Old evils, evils of instability. Instability is nothing, not something you should take lightly. In the history of French democracy, has always been a bad thing, a terrible threat. Let's not forget that under the Fourth Republic, governments used to fall one after the other, and democracy was threatened. Jean gave stability back to France where the Fifth Republic, his prime minister, one of the best prime ministers we've had, stayed five years, six years in office. With this duration, he was able to have a long-term action. We, as far as we are concerned, in the last two years, we have had four prime ministers. Political instability. For those who can laugh about that, remember how this is an economic poison. While uh some are laughing about that, uh some or shouting instead of deliberating, we have in our country a lot of people, working people who know the price we pay when you destabilize our country and its institutions. All the French, all of the French are paying the consequences for that. Deficit, deficits, overindness, out of control immigration. Now we now have to pay rates that are higher than those of Greece. Interest rates. The two symbols are very important because that says a lot about now. We have traffickers of drugs who are paying social allowances to young people in some cities. In this period, there's somebody who is using all that to his own advantage. There's one person who's hoping for revolution, Jean-Luc Mélenchon. He's hoping for a revolution. The movement is organized for the September 10th is a proof of that. I'm saying that for the far left is the first political danger for the French Republic. Jean-Luc Mélenchon. That is the first political danger for a republic.