Transcription
In this video, George Yo, Singapore's former foreign minister, explains why he believes people, especially those in the West, should take the time to really learn and understand China. Actually, I'm a China researcher. So, when you mentioned that the elephant in the room is China, I was very happy because I I I really want to ask this question that what should we see on China? So when when we are watching China what what what is the thing we really have to focus because of course we all read economist and those kind of western papers and they try to tell a story about China but but with your experience what what would you say what what what we have to really understand about China and what should we focus on in the next coming years decades?
I've been to to Europe over 100 times. I don't think I I have more than a superficial understanding of Europe. China is twice the size of Europe in population and and in in land area maybe three times or more. Well, let's say twice. So it's a complex reality. There's no danger that any European will understand too much about China. So when I meet young European friends who ask me for advice, I say go to China. Find any and every reason to go to China at least once a year. I say it will be good for you and there's no danger that you will learn too much. How should why should you not? If you are a parent and this economy is going to be bigger than any anyone else on earth by a big margin, you better know it whether for offensive reasons or for defensive reasons.
And you should teach your ch your children Chinese or at least get them interested because it will be a great asset to them. But the mood now is confusious institutes or the subversion. I can't for the life of me understand the current mood. When I was in Cambridge, Joseph Neam was still master of Gondw and Keys College. He had a profound influence on me. His encyclopedic work sense and civilization of China reach a depth of analysis which even the Chinese themselves appreciated. That scholarship has weakened greatly not just in Cambridge but throughout Europe and yet China is getting bigger. So something needs to be done desperately. I've I've because of my association with the Catholic Church, I I have this dream, you know, maybe maybe maybe Hungary can play some kind of a role. I I don't know. It would be good if China understands has a university for classical studies, not just a language, Roman and Greek, but understand the Roman world, understand uh classical Europe. And Europe in turn helps China and China in turn helps Europe develop a university for understanding China and you need more than a university to understand China.
George Yo makes a powerful argument that the world, especially the West, needs to learn more about China. His reasoning is straightforward. China is now too big and too influential to ignore. Whether one likes or dislikes China is irrelevant. Understanding it will only make you better prepared to navigate the world. This isn't about admiration or fear. It's about practicality.
Take the economic front. China is the second largest economy in the world, producing nearly 18% of global GDP. It is the largest trading partner for over 120 countries compared to about 60 for the United States. That means more nations now trade more with China than with America. For example, Germany, long Europe's industrial powerhouse, now exports more cars to China than to any other single country. Imagine running a global business without understanding your biggest customer. It would be like trying to play chess while ignoring half the board.
This same reality plays out in industries. 10 years ago, few believed Chinese companies could challenge giants like Apple, Tesla, or Toyota. But today, companies such as BOED have surpassed Tesla in global electric vehicle sales, while CL supplies more than onethird of the world's EV batteries. Dismissing China as a copycat has proven costly for Western firms who underestimated the speed of its innovation. Understanding how China fosters this growth through scale, government support, and fierce domestic competition is no longer optional for competitors.
Geopolitically, the story is similar. China is not just an economic power, but also a global political force. Through the Belt and Road Initiative, it has invested in infrastructure projects in more than 150 countries, building ports, railways, and power plants. These projects aren't just about trade. They reshape global alliances. Countries in Africa, Southeast Asia, and Latin America increasingly see China as a partner, sometimes more reliable than traditional Western powers. Whether one sees this influence as positive or threatening, ignoring it means failing to grasp how the global balance of power is shifting.
On technology, the comparisons are striking. In the early 2000s, the internet was dominated by American companies: Google, Facebook, Amazon. Today, China has built its own giants: Tencent, Alibaba, BYU, and Huawei. In some fields, Chinese firms are ahead. For example, China accounts for 70% of global 5Gbased stations and leads in quantum communication, while its AI companies are competing head-to-head with Silicon Valley. Even in space, China has landed probes on the far side of the moon and built its own space station, while Western analysts once dismissed it as decades behind NASA. The lesson is clear. China is no longer simply catching up. It is setting the pace in key areas.
Then there's culture and history which shape how China sees itself. With over 5,000 years of continuous civilization, China has a sense of historical depth that most Western nations cannot match. Its philosophy emphasizes harmony, balance, and long-term thinking. In contrast to the more individualistic and short-term approaches common in the West, for instance, while Western politics often focuses on election cycles of four or 5 years, China's leadership often plans decades ahead, as seen in its long-term goals for 2035 and even 2049. If you don't understand this civilizational mindset, you risk misinterpreting China's moves, reading aggression where there is caution or weakness where there is patience.
To put it another way, ignoring China today would be like ignoring the United States in the 20th century. Imagine a European country in the 1950s refusing to study America because it disliked US culture or politics. That country would have missed the rise of Silicon Valley, the influence of Hollywood, the dollar's dominance, and America's leadership in global institutions. In the same way, anyone who refuses to learn about China today risks being blindsided by the defining changes of the 21st century.
George Yo's message is simple but profound. You don't have to agree with China, but you must understand it. Competitors who understand China will compete smarter, partners will cooperate more effectively, and even critics will argue more convincingly if they truly know what they are talking about. In a world where China's economy, technology, and influence continue to grow, knowledge of China is no longer optional. It is essential.
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