Transcription
The real question is now: if Donald Trump comes into the picture, then we might face a dramatic phase in this war, which might end it very soon.
Why do you think Trump seems to have changed his attitude? Because he smells an easy victory. But on the other hand, someone has to whisper in his ear that this can also end in a catastrophe. When American soldiers will be hurt, he will be committed to do something more. He might send troops. Two minutes later, the Russians might blink. And here you are in a world war.
[Music] Welcome to this special edition of the forecast from Tel Aviv, where, of course, um, a lot has been going on. We had a rather busy night with lots of air raid sirens. Again, the ballistic duel between Israel and Iran continues, and the big question hanging over all of this is: what does Donald Trump do next? He's been using the word "we" an awful lot when talking about Israel's attempts at possible regime change, if that's what they want; possibly getting involved to try and finally, uh, annihilate Iran's nuclear program. But will the Americans get involved? What are the consequences of that? There's an awful lot to discuss. With me to do so here is Gideon Levy, very well-known Israeli author, journalist, broadcaster, and here with me on the pavement.
Good to see you, Gideon.
Good to see you, Matt.
If you had to put money on it, would you say the Americans are going to get involved? Yes or no?
Look, I'm not going to put money on it because it all depends on some figure who is not stable. He goes to sleep—President Donald Trump.
Sure, sure. Sure. He goes to sleep with one idea; he wakes up with another. I wouldn't put my money on anything. And that's really the crucial moment because: would he decide to join? We are in one game. Would he decide not to join? We are in a totally different game. I mean, you can't exaggerate how dramatic it is.
I have a theory which I'd like to test with you, which is that one of the reasons why he might get involved is that, one, this is low-hanging fruit. The Iranians have already been weakened anyway before this latest war started. They seem to be in a weaker position now than before. And he can—you'll probably find it quite easy—to get some credit from whatever's going to happen. And secondly, all the other things that he's tried in his pursuit of the Nobel Peace Prize haven't worked out, whether it's Gaza, whether it's Ukraine. And here's one that he might just think could work out.
Yes and no. On one hand, you are right. Yes, it seems to be easy. You just send a few B2 or B52, and the problem is solved, and Iran is on its knees. But with such wars, you know how they begin; you never know how they will end. It might end in a fiasco. It might end in a fiasco. You don't know how it will develop. Secondly, secondly, he is committed to not involving the Americans in any dispute until a few days ago. He said exactly that. So what will his base—his base doesn't want any involvement except for the lunatic evangelists, who, for them, the Jews are the chosen people and Israel is the chosen land—except for those lunatics, the evangelical Christians, the Christian nationalists.
Yeah. Exactly. Except for them—there are a few millions—but except for them, his base doesn't want it. Not only does his base not want it, they're actually rebelling against it. Steve Bannon, on the record repeatedly, day after day, saying this is not what we signed up to. Tulsi Gabbard, his own head of intelligence, saying to Congress in March and repeating it just the other day, there was no evidence to suggest that the Iranians were very close to actually developing a nuclear bomb.
Right. So Pierce Morgan, Piers Morgan, his supporter, he's against it. So why do you think—and it's very hard to know the mind of Trump—why do you think Trump seems to have changed his attitude towards getting involved? Because he smells an easy victory, which might not be easy and not a victory, but this is what he smells. He smells an opportunity to do something which will succeed after all the failures. But on the other hand, someone has to whisper in his ear that this can also end in a catastrophe. And therefore, I think we couldn't trust his judgment. He might change his mind in the coming hours 10 times.
Okay. But but the coming hours are crucial, right? But we're not going to put money on whether he's going to go in or not.
You can put money on it—as much as you want—a tiny amount, but you're going to keep yours.
I keep mine.
All right. I guess I have more or less than you. So, I don't know. I have to possibly discuss that in this podcast.
Okay. So the other thing is: you say you know it could be catastrophic. What does that catastrophic scenario look like to you?
Think about Vietnam. Think about Afghanistan. Think about Iraq. Libya. Libya. Think about Israel starting a war in Lebanon in '82. Think about Israel starting this war in Gaza, which doesn't seem to end ever. You start it, and you don't know. Okay, they will bomb FODU, and then they might hit back, including American bases. When American soldiers will be hurt, he will be committed to do something more. He might send troops. Two minutes later, the Russians might blink, and here you are in a world war. I mean, it is so explosive that I wouldn't gamble on a guaranteed victory here because the number of wars that start—or where people get involved thinking it's over by Christmas or maybe by Labor Day—and then it isn't, you know, there are too many of them to mention.
Give me one example at least in the Middle East of a war which led to real good achievements.
I can tell you about Israel's wars—none of them, including The Six Day War, didn't lead Israel to a better place. None of them.
But from Netanyahu's point of view, right, you've got a government, a regime in Iran that is, you know, openly vowed to achieve the destruction of the state of Israel. Israel does not have the right to exist. And there's this constant threat of nuclear capability hanging over that threat. Even if they don't, even if they're not close to developing a bomb, they might do. From his point of view, this is a legacy issue. And he would say one that actually could achieve, you know, a more peaceful future for this country.
Totally.
Yeah. Totally.
Is he right?
No, he is totally right by claiming that that's his life project. It is his life project, and therefore I really believe that he does it with some genuine faith that he's doing the right thing. He believes in what he's doing here. This is not just him chancing it.
Right. Not only this, and it's not all those cynical considerations, his trial, his coalition.
No, no. Now he does it because he feels he's doing an historic step. The only problem is that, with all the respect to his judgment, this historic step might become also an historic fiasco for Israel. And it might not. It might not. But I cannot gamble. And I don't think it's needed because there is still the alternative of getting back to the negotiation table. And I would always prefer diplomacy over mass killing.
Why do you think Benjamin Netanyahu is so obsessed with the issue of Iran? Because he's been talking about it ever since he appeared on the political stage, more than any other issue. He—and does he see this as his big legacy as an Israeli leader in the kind of pantheon of history?
More than this. He yesterday he spoke about it in an interview. He was brought up in a certain atmosphere. His father was a well-known historian, and he was brought up, like many Israelis, under this heavy, heavy cloud of the Holocaust, which should never come again. Now, for those people, any small threat turns into a holocaust, a second holocaust. And therefore any small threat justifies any reaction because we went through the holocaust, because it shouldn't happen again. So his mindset is a very nationalistic mindset of someone who all the time is sure and convinced that he's just a few meters from extermination, that the Jewish people or the Jewish state is just a few weeks from extermination, which is not the case.
But is that a mindset that is shared by the majority of the republic here?
The brainwash system of Israel is working on it, and therefore it's getting—it's getting to a majority. Absolutely. We are brainwashed here systematically to believe that we are the chosen people, to believe that they are—we are the biggest victory—biggest victim in history, and therefore, because of those two reasons, we have the right to do whatever we want. That's the mindset of all the wars that Israel has fought, you know, and there are quite a few wars that it has fought just in the last 20 months—obviously against Hamas, but also others.
Is this the most popular so far? Is there real support for this on the streets of Tel Aviv?
No doubt. No doubt about it. Israel is fearful, with a very, very heavy cloud over our heads. But the support on Netanyahu jumped within hours; it can also fall within hours. But right now, when it seems as a victory, when it seems as a success story—and again, we are five days after the beginning, six days after the beginning—they—all the wars that Israel launched started wonderfully, and very soon later came the price, and the price was unbearable. Let's see and wait. Right now, it seems to most of the Israelis the right thing to do, and many even change their mind about Netanyahu and see him now as the Messiah.
It seems to be that, for Netanyahu and many people in Israel, every problem is a nail, and every solution is a hammer. I mean, is that true? And does it need to be like that?
I would phrase it differently. I would phrase that: for Israel, launching a war is always the first priority. Launching a war is always the first priority. The second one will be diplomacy, right? And it should be the opposite way.
Shoot first, ask questions later.
Absolutely. And negotiate even later.
Has that worked for Israel? Look at Israel. I mean, Israel is now in its worst situation ever: a pariah state with a broken society, with a society in fatigue. This—you can you call a success story? It was a success story in its establishment. But when you see now—look at the mood of Israelis. They are really looking for another passport, another ticket away. This is not normal life and normal society.
You've witnessed, you know, quite a few wars of this country. You live here in Tel Aviv. How has the soul of Israel changed over these years, with every war as a milestone?
I think the main milestone recently is the 7th of October. The 7th of October took the Israelis out of the closet, at least the racist, the nationalist. And those who were vague, they are now out of the closet, declared racist and nationalist, who think that the Palestinians have no rights in this piece of land, who think that Israel has the right to do whatever it wants because of the 7th of October. It also changed many mindsets, mainly of the left, or the Zionist left, or the central left, who used to have a dream or a plan to make peace with the Palestinians. They all retreated now. They don't believe in any kind of agreement with the Palestinians. Even some of my good friends. Yeah, they all think that the 7th of October changed everything. You know, ever since then, Israel committed the 7th of October in Gaza. And this they don't realize.
And why don't they realize that? Because there is a brainwash system in Israel which prevents them from realizing it, because the Israeli media is collaborating—not with the government—not with any censorship, which doesn't—almost doesn't exist—which the need to please the viewers and the readers, with the need for ratings and and and selling newspapers, and they know very well the Israelis don't want to know, and they know nothing about Gaza. An average Israeli—hey, take even the most intelligent one—I'm always shocked how little they know about Gaza. I can tell you that anyone in a suburb of Sheffield in the UK knows more about Gaza, saw more about Gaza than an intellectual in Tel Aviv.
Is that because they don't want to know anything about Gaza or because they're not shown anything about Gaza and they can't be bothered to look?
Both. Both. Both. It goes together because if you really want to see, there are so many outlets that you can see it. You don't want to see, and the Israeli media enables you the luxury of not knowing and not seeing and not being troubled.
I mean, I have to say, in this part of Tel Aviv, which I know—we're surrounded by Palestinian buildings, and the ghosts of the people who used to live in these buildings are still somewhere around us. You go to the beach; it feels like the south of France. I mean, the beach is full, even when you know just before and after a siren. Uh, people are tossing volleyballs, playing football, having a great time. And an hour's drive down the road is Gaza. It's a different kind of beach. This has always slightly freaked me out, I have to say, even though I've been guilty of the occasional swim.
Look, on one hand, people are very proud that Israel continues to live its life.
The resilience.
Yeah, the resilience. For me, it is really a moral disease, a moral illness. How can you, how dare you? When one hour away from here, there were 1,000 babies slaughtered in the last 20 months. 1,000 babies less than one year old. And it doesn't concern you. It is the friends of your sons and the sons of your friends who did it. And it doesn't concern you. It doesn't trouble you. You don't feel any kind of accountability, guilt, blame, something—nothing. And even those people, and you mentioned some of them were your friends, who might have felt guilt and blame about this in the past, who might have believed in a two-state solution in the past, no longer do.
Absolutely. They don't believe in any settlement. They believe in living on the sword forever. They believe only in wars, in aggression, in military steps—nothing but it—because they say the Palestinians are not partners for anything.
But this city doesn't feel like a militarized society, even though lots of people go to war, and they—they put on their uniform, they do military service. It feels, you know, it's got a very sort of shorty vibe about it. I mean, it's—it's funky. It's cool. They eat good food. They go to restaurants. They go to bars. You know, if the shops were open, they'd be dancing all night long. It doesn't feel like a militarized society, even though it is.
I can't—I can't square that circle.
It's very easy to square this circle. Did you see one demonstration against the war here? Against the war? Not for the hostages, not against Netanyahu. Against the crimes of the war? Not one. Nothing.
Do you think that the people here are aware of what we are doing in Gaza, one hour away from here?
No. So living in denial is not something that any intelligent person should appreciate. On one hand, you say, yeah, it's—you live only once, let them live their normal life, but you don't have the right to live your normal life because you create an abnormal reality one hour away from here, and therefore we don't have the right to live normal lives.
No.
Do you think the people of this city and this country care more about what happens to the citizens of Tehran than what happens to people in Gaza?
No. No. No. No. No. No. By all means, not. No. No. No. No. No. They don't care about anyone who is not Jewish. The—the—the scope of our morality is along very clear nationalistic lines. We care only about what happens to Israel, to Israelis, and mainly to Jewish Israelis.
If you phrase it like that, the question of the outcome of this particular conflict with Iran is overshadowed by a much bigger question, isn't it? The question of the future of the state of Israel, its viability as a democratic state, its existence—not because of what enemies are trying to do to it, but what it might do to itself. Is that a fair point?
It's not only a fair point; you underestimated it.
Can you really define Israel as a democracy?
Yes. Israel is a democracy, even a liberal democracy for Jewish citizens. You have a free press. You have free and fair elections. Everything—free speech. I'm the best—I'm the best for it.
Yeah. They don't like you very much, do they?
They don't. But they—they let me talk, at least to a certain extent, because I'm totally banned on Israeli TV ever since this war started. I used to be often on TV, not anymore. But no problems. That's not—I'm not the victim of this war.
But how can you be a democracy when 5 million people are living under your brutal tyranny in the West Bank and in other ways in Gaza? How can this be defined?
It's part of Israel. It is part—and part of Israel. It is de facto part of Israel. It is de facto part of Israel. And it is part of Israel because the government in Jerusalem decides their fate, and no other—no one else. The government in Jerusalem defines the fate of the people in Gaza, and they decide the fate of the people in the West Bank.
And do you think that this government, with President Trump, you know, as their support act in the White House, is closer—as many had predicted—to formalizing that relationship, to annexing the West Bank, to annexing the Gaza Strip?
I must tell you, it's—for me, it's a minor question. The West Bank is annexed long time ago—effectively annexed long time ago. Go to the West Bank; you see any difference? It's an apartheid region—definitely cannot be defined otherwise—but for Jews, what's the difference about being in the West Bank or in Tel Aviv? Same law, same currency, everything—and same rule.
Would you then say to the Palestinian people and to their supporters, you know, in the UK and around the Middle East, the dream of a Palestinian, an independent sovereign Palestinian nation-state—let us be clear—is finished?
I'm hesitating because they really deserve a Palestinian state. They really deserve it—in terms of reality. I'm not talking about what they deserve. Of course, they deserve that. But the reality is more than this: continuing to talk about the two-state solution plays into the hands of the occupation. Why? Because everyone knows that there is no room anymore for a Palestinian state with 700,000 violent settlers in the West Bank. There is no room. Go and see the West Bank; how it looks. It's like a Swiss cheese, right? Riddled with—even a Swiss cheese is an exaggeration. They are governing this land; they are the landlords of this region. So to believe that there will be a political force who is going to evacuate—you know what? If you tell me that this settlement is still possible, I'll be the first one—not only to agree—to be enthusiastic about it because it is the most logical settlement. Two peoples share one piece of land. Let's share the land. What is more just and logical than this? The problem is that this is a train that left the station, and if we don't realize it and we continue to speak about the two-state solution, knowing that on the shelf there is some solution—one day we use it—so we can continue like this with the occupation forever.
So, so you would say to someone like Kama, our prime minister, that to carry on talking about the two-state solution as a viable option to strive towards is not just misguided; it actually provides a cover for this government here to carry on doing what they've been doing.
Definitely. Even Netanyahu spoke about the two-state solution many years ago. So, what—you know, let's wait.
But if there's no two-state solution, what is the solution?
The most simple one: a democracy. Have you heard about a democracy? I—I can't—What is that? Tell me. So I'll tell you: in a democracy, there are equal rights—something very—so one state, one federation, one state, one person, one vote. I mean, what else? Look, the real choice right now is between an apartheid state or a democracy. In my view, there is no third way, and we have to choose, and the international community—including your prime minister—has to choose: what do you prefer, an apartheid state or a democracy? All else is just hollow—hollow lip service.
So, I've met plenty of people in the West Bank in Ramala who say exactly the same thing. And then you say to them, well, there's no way that the Jewish state—that wants to be a majority Jewish state—would ever agree to that because then you're into questions of demography, who breeds more children, you know, who's the majority, and given the amount of enmity and tribal hatred that exists here, you know, that may be an...
Ideal solution, but it's about as ideal as these umbrellas floating off into the sky. So what is the alternative? Well, the it's too dark to even mention, isn't it? And there are some people who are talking about it.
If there is no alternative, I'm not ready to give up and to say there is no solution because all wars ended. All conflicts in history ended one day. Germany is today the best ally of Israel in Europe. Germany was 100 years ago the worst worst enemy of the Jewish people. And who would believe that Germany within decades will become the best ally? Things are changing. Things are changing. You cannot judge the future according to the present. The present looks not very promising. I but at least we have a vision.
If you say not a two-state solution, not a one-state solution, you you remain with nothing with living on the sword and getting killed every two three years another attack. Every two years more killed people. Who wants to live this life?
So to bring it back to events in Tehran, the war between Iran and Israel, if if what you've just said is the reality, you know, the forever wars that will just go on and on and on and on. Does this war with Iran make any difference to that mindset and to that reality? Whatever the outcome is there, for the short run maybe, for the long run, not at all. What does it make? There will be another enemy. There will be another brutal tyranny which will want to exterminate Israel. And there will be Israel who will continue to hold the occupation, hold their apartheid and and and do anything possible not to be accepted in this region.
When I lived in Israel in 1989, you know, I covered the West Bank and the Gaza Strip and I was be able to travel in and out very easily and I was there was a taxi station 5 minutes away from here. You pay 10 shekelers which is £2 and you could go to Gaza in 45 minutes. It's just behind where we sit for lunch. It's just behind the se the place we sit here.
But what I always said then to my my Palestinian and Israeli friends is that there are two people most alike in the region and you're the two, right? You you you have smart education. No one else likes you. You know, there are Palestinians are not welcome in Kuwait or the Gulf States or in Jordan. Uh you have a diaspora. You know, you have been shafted by history. You guys should get along with each other. And because by the way, you're sharing the same real estate and there's only one bathroom and one kitchen. Hasn't worked out because of politics, because of megalomania of certain politicians in both sides.
By the way, yeah, if you take it on the on the social framework or social network, you will be amazed how Palestinians and Israelis can find the common language. If you take two Palestinians from the same social background and two Israelis from the same social background and close them in a door in a in a room for for a while, they will find much more in common than an Israeli and a Brit.
But getting back to the current war with Tehran, you know, we we say, well, that war, you know, ballistic missiles flying back and forth, that overshadows the other war that's been raging inside Gaza for 20 months. But I wonder whether that war in Gaza, which is about the survival of the Palestinians and the survival of the kind of state Israel wants to be, that is the actual war that needs to be sorted out and all the other wars, including this big one at the moment with ballistic missiles. That's the sideshow. I couldn't agree more. I couldn't agree more. And by the way, Gaza is the real danger for the existence of Israel for the long run because Gaza defines the nature of Israel. Because Israel is defined but by but by but but by by what it is doing in Gaza and Israel will become a prayer state not because of Iran because the crimes in Gaza and Gaza is the key problem and nobody dares to solve it.
We like to end ridiculous so this may sound under the current circumstances with a kind of prediction because we are casting forward on the forecast. So what do you think will happen in the next weeks and months in Tehran? You see Matt, it's the worst time to ask me this question because in 2 hours I might be wrong. It's really question of and this this forecast has to survive for at least 24 hours. Yeah, that's a problem. Okay, it all depends on and you might be wrong because President Trump might change his mind. That's what it comes down to. Yeah. The question, the real question is now if Donald Trump comes into the picture with his jets, then we might face a dramatic phase in this war, which might end it very soon. Cuz if he bombs FDU, we might see it ending very very soon. With the Ayatollah regime collapsing, abs, it might include this. It might include.
What about the Iranians saying, you know, we really, really hate the Ayatollas, but we hate the Israelis even more. You get it now. You get it now. But maybe they will collapse because they will remain quite isolated even more than they are today and very weak. Because don't forget that this regime showed now its people that all those big stories about its strength collapsed within five days. Iran. Can you believe that 200 Israeli jets can fly over Tehran freely and there is no defense system? Nothing. Nothing. Nothing. Like I like the last African state. I mean, how can it be? And the people see it and they say all those years you spended so much time and so much money, so many budgets in defending ourselves, in building this military power. And look, look what we got. Hundreds of thousands of people are leaving Tehran now without having any protection, nothing. So it might go to so many directions. And still, and this I insist, I still believe that everything will be worse than a diplomatic agreement. That's the only guarantee for a long future. All the rest is good for generals and politicians to show off, but it will not solve anything in any field.
Gideon Levy, thank you very much inde for coming to the program. That's it from the forecast here in Tel Aviv. See you next time.