Deficits Are Forcing the Fed Back Into Expansion | Lyn Alden

We're not accelerating the trade right now. If anything, we're mildly decelerating, but it's still a very fast trade.

The Fed is likely going to end quantitative tightening soon. It could be at this upcoming meeting and then in the coming months, they're likely going to go back to a period of mild balance sheet increases. Now, probably on Twitter X, you'll see people saying, "Oh, we're going to hyperinflate or oh, QE is here. QE infinity." Yeah, banks are failing or this is happening. If the balance sheet is increasing by 4% a year or 5% a year, that's different than when the Fed's doing QE by like a trillion in a month like they were doing in COVID. And that's regardless of duration. It's just size matters, too.

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All right, everybody. Welcome back to another episode of Ford Guidance. And joining me today is repeat guest Lyn Alden. Lynn, always great to have you on the show. How are you?

I'm good. Thanks for having me again.

Yeah, always always a pleasure. I know I can throw any sort of off-the-cuff macro question at you and I always know that you have such a fascinating answer to all of these. So, I'm excited for where this conversation takes us.

I'll do my best.

I know you will. I want to start with the fiscal outlook and obviously there's what's going on. There's a government shutdown. There's tariffs trying to figure out whether they stick or not, whether the Supreme Court reverses them or not, how that might impact things. But I want to start off with obviously this framework that you've been known for quite a bit over the last 6 to 12 months which is the the nothing stops us train and there's two key vectors I want to unpack with you and one is the tariff impact on that and then pairing that with obviously when you look at fiscal deficits, you know, running 6 to 7% of GDP fiscal deficit that looks, you know, very much like a deficit but if you factor in the tariff impact, it's potentially a little bit more neutral. So, I'd love to hear about how are you thinking about that combination? How are you thinking about the combination of the big beautiful bill? To my understanding, a lot of the more stimulative fiscal impulses from that bill are going to start happening in 2026. So, when you look at all the constellation of these crosscurrents, what's your what's your outlook for the fiscal right now?

Yeah, good question. Uh, and I've been focusing on fiscal now for for quite a while. It's kind of one of the key things that I think has uh in many cases blindsided a lot of macro just because in this whole kind of five to six year period it's played a much larger role than it normally does, especially outside of recessions, uh, in any sort of like investor's lifetime, uh, for the most part, at least in the United States and and many other developed countries. Um, and so it continues to be an environment that is just uh challenging for a lot of people, myself included, obviously, but being on the right side of fiscal has been helpful. Basically, uh, if we go back kind of earlier this year, my view was that D.O.J. would be ineffective uh at any sort of like macroscale cuts, um, but the tariffs were somewhat of a wild card because while I don't think they can stop the train, I don't think they can like permanently and kind of uh sustainably reduce uh fiscal spending by like a huge amount, uh, they can slow the train and that's largely because, um, you know, one of the key kind of uh defenses against reducing the debt opposite is that Congress is very polarized and, uh, you know, emergency powers to use executive orders to do tariffs is basically a unilateral tax increase that bypasses that polarized state. Um, now, as you point out, the Supreme Court is going to weigh in on that, uh, likely in November, um, last I checked. Um, so far, two levels of courts have kind of ruled against Trump on that. Um, but those, I mean, when you, I'm not a legal expert. The challenge, of course, is that those were, you look at the makeup of those courts, they were more, um, Democratic leaning courts. Supreme Court's obviously more Republican leaning. Um, but he has put out a number of posts that kind of directly contradict his rationale for emergency use powers. Uh, he'll cite domestic uh issues in Brazil for why they need tariffs or he'll cite commercial in Canada for why they need tariffs and that that just gives fodder to the, um, other side of that law law case. Other than looking at some of the betting markets, I don't have a strong view on how that case is going to go. Of course, before then, you potentially have the, um, you know, ongoing supposed de-escalation in this recent tariff flare-up between the US and China. Uh, it's still not fully clear whether that's going to to go through or not. Uh, in general, that is one of the key speed breaks and it's showing up for example in, um, if you look at ISM PMI, like manufacturing and services, uh, PMIs, um, you'll see that they both have pretty muted activity, but the prices paid, uh, segments of those are pretty high and normally you only get spikes in the prices paid component when you also have a pretty, uh, rapid period of expansion. So that combination of lower activity and higher prices paid is this kind of stagflationary effect from tariffs. Um, now, in context, you know, we're talking annualized, uh, a few hundred billion per year, potentially higher if we get more escalation, which would, which would not really be my base case. Um, so that's spread across a pretty large economy. And that eats into something approximating a $2 trillion deficit, which is not immaterial. Um, but it, it's not like a game-changer. So I do think that while D.O.J. was mostly a nothing burger from a macro standpoint, uh, tariffs are more than a nothing burger. They are a, a kind of one of the top few things that I follow. Uh, so we certainly have a lot of news ahead, uh, as that goes. So I think that they do slow the train. They don't, they just don't stop the train.

So, if we just assume for this scenario that we hold tariffs at say $400 billion a year annualized onwards, steady state, how do you, how do you measure the impact of that on the economy when you pair it with the big beautiful bill and the impacts there? And I'm curious also on that point of measuring fiscal impulse. You know, critics of the idea of the nothing stops train would look at government expenditures, the component of of GDP and say, well, look, it's been, it's been slowing pretty consistently. Nominal GDP has been just on a steady decline since 2021 when we had those post-COVID booms. So, how do you measure that and what do you think is the impact if we just hold where we're at right now?

Yeah. So I think that, um, the key reason why that's still in play is that if you look at a lot of, if you look at PMIs, uh, you would expect, for example, just looking at them in isolation, if you, if you say, okay, PMIs are doing this, overall economic activity slowing to this degree, would the stock market be where it is? Would gold have soared as high as it is? Would Bitcoin be $100,000? Um, would we have kind of had this long of an inverted yield curve, uh, without an, uh, en-ber defined recession? Uh, basically, the fiscal component is kind of weighing out a lot of that. And, you know, I had, um, some discussions or debates with Andy Constan over the past year, and it is true that like, we're not, we're not accelerating the train right now. If anything, we're mildly decelerating, but it's still a very fast train. Uh, especially in a non-recession environment. These are still very large deficits. Uh, and so you have this kind of background stimulatory component that does fluctuate. And that, that's why that's why I don't just stop writing reports and go to the beach for for a year, right? It's still, I'm still kind of mapping out the rate of change, these things happen, the news events that happen, little little booms and busts that happen along the way. So, there still are opportunities. There still are, uh, uncertainties along the way, but that just kind of like underneath this whole sine wave that we normally invest in, there's this higher floor. Um, and so right now, yeah, we're, we're more compressed than we were last year. So, basically, we had, of course, the huge COVID stimulus and we had in 2022 was kind of the contraction from all of that, uh, as well as higher prices. Uh, 2023 and 2024 were this kind of re-accelerating period in a more mild sense than, of course, the boom in 2020. And 2025 has been this decelerating period, but from that high level, and I don't think that that that will just like persistently decelerate back to, uh, what we saw pre-COVID. Um, and then, of course, the other factor is that while, while nominal GDP is not as explosive as it was before, it still is often surprised to the upside, uh, especially compared to a lot of what the bears were expecting. Uh, and, you know, one of the things I kind of point out with, um, fiscal deficits is that they directly fuel nominal GDP. Of course, they have all the other offsets that can, you know, detract from nominal GDP growth. Um, and so when you look at say, deficits as a percentage of GDP, um, or even overall, uh, federal debt as a percentage of GDP, I don't expect that to grow very rapidly because I think that both, uh, nominal deficits and then to some extent, nominal GDP will be generally more elevated than average, uh, from what we're used to say, throughout the 2010s, uh, with the caveat that we still have this, you know, this general like sine wave type activity along the way.

That that point about just how constant and re-rolling the fiscal deficit is, I think is really important, especially when you look at interest payments component. And I'm curious if you've done some work on this. I've thought a lot about it, but of course now we're in this regime where we have a lot of debt and on that debt, you're getting paid 4% versus 5 years ago where you're getting paid nothing. That goes into those that own T-bills for the most part in money market funds. And I'm curious on that point about how that leads into economic growth. I wonder if you've done any work on where you see that that flow of funds go. Because obviously, you know, the people that own the money that own money in the money market funds, they're getting the 4%. Do you see them take that and go and consume it in, you know, in the US economy? Do you see them reinvest that into other assets? Where do you, where do you see the follow-through of interest payments into the economy?

Yeah, so that's, it's a good question and it's something I've, I've covered. Uh, my assessment is that that's not as stimulatory as say, a stimulus check or a child care tax credit, um, or even a Social Security check. Right? So, there's a couple components to this fiscal, uh, aspect. One key aspect is, of course, demographics. So, Social Security and and Medicare, um, are a lot more elevated and they will be for quite a long time and that does get into the economy through consumption, uh, as well as in the healthcare sector gets into the healthcare sector and then even trickles out through all those workers' paychecks, uh, throughout the rest of the economy. The same thing is generally true for defense, although that's not demographics related. That all that defense spending doesn't just stimulate defense. Is that then those workers that would otherwise not necessarily be employed, um, are then spending that into the economy as well. So, it does kind of trickle in at varying rates and the interest expense, I'd put somewhere, uh, on the lower end, uh, because it's mostly going toward, um, like higher wealth consumers that are, that their spending is less tied to, you know, their fluctuating incomes. Uh, they, they, you know, they're more likely to have their their expenses already covered, uh, rather than if someone's living paycheck to paycheck and you give them $1,000, they're going to spend, you know, $900 plus of that most likely, uh, because often because they have to. Um, and so, uh, it's less impactful than that. Now, I, I think a component where it's pretty substantial is is the seniors. Um, because you have a lot of people that do hold, uh, various types of cash or cash-like assets that is paying a much higher rate and many of those, while they might be somewhat wealthy on paper, that's a big chunk of their income. So, they're not really wealthy in like an ongoing purchasing power sense that that wealth has to last them years and decades. Um, and so that can materially affect their spending. And then many of those parents or grandparents are spending on behalf of their younger generations. Uh, they're helping people buy a house. They're helping people, uh, afford a wedding, things like that. Um, and and, you know, or a vehicle. And so, um, you know, you can break down various percentages of how that might spill out, but in general, I think it's, it's an entirely different regime than we were in before we got out of that kind of 40-year structural decline, uh, in interest rates.

Okay. Okay, the last big component of the fiscal outlook that I want to get your read on is just this government shutdown that's been going on. And yeah, what are some tangible impacts? Obviously, you know, there's, we're at this point now where it feels like the reflexive reaction to these is just to fade them and say, "Oh, yeah, we do these every four years now. It's just part of the game." But is there any material impacts on the economy and things to think about when you just see how long this shutdown is going on right now? I think it's, by all accounts, likely to become the longest shutdown in US history. So, yeah, what are some of the impacts of that?

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Yeah. So, I, I wrote about this, uh, about a month ago, right when it was about to start in one of my research reports. And my view at the time was, uh, for the normal length of a shutdown, it's not materially affecting any of my macroeconomic assessments. Uh, that's not to say that it doesn't affect individual people's lives. So, it doesn't want to, I don't want to come across as like insensitive when I say that, but just from a, from the big numbers I look at, the things I'm going to invest in, that kind of first month of a shutdown, um, is not a huge macro scale thing. Um, uh, and now, as we enter the second month and we start to get into news about like food stamp programs and stuff running dry, um, that's where the game changes. We don't, like you said, this could be the longest one. We don't have a lot of precedent for how a shutdown could impact things after we get into this, like when you start to get kind of deep into month two. Um, I still would put probably the, the social aspects higher than the economic aspects in the sense that, you know, when you kind of impact that lower income segment, it doesn't necessarily show up super quickly in some of these big numbers right away because, you know, as as many people know, like if you look at the top 1%, the top 10%, the top 30% of people in terms of income or wealth, they do a really big lion's share of the spending. So, when you really, when you impact that 20 to 30%, it doesn't necessarily impact all the big macro things right away. Um, but it does, of course, contribute to social tensions because it's still a pretty big percentage of the population itself. Um, and so I still wouldn't put this next two to four weeks as super macro impactful. Um, other than that, it's, it's more socially impactful and that that is a part of macro these days. And then there's, there's there are many other kind of, um, indirect things. I mean, there are SEC things that are delayed, uh, because of this. Um, arguably flights are, uh, impacted by this because we already have a very tight, um, air traffic control system in terms of labor. Uh, and so, uh, it's, it's like you don't really have a lot of, like to work from there. Um, so around the margins impactful, but just, it's not as quite as big as some of the other things I'm watching, but the longer it goes on, the more it, it, it actually does become material.

All right. So I want to grab this framework that you articulated of the fiscal impulse leading to a higher floor and then also just further fuel to fuel to the fire when we do expand higher and pair that with the there other components of what's driving growth right now in the US economy. So, we've, we've heard and talked a lot about this idea of the K-shaped economy where you have this dynamic fiscal deficit. To your point, a lot of that is going to to older rich people that are consuming. Although the marginal propensity to consume may not be quite as powerful as if it was to go to lower income classes, but lower income classes don't own T-bills. Um, that compared with the rest of the economy, which is obviously largely being driven right now by AI capex buildout and AI related investments. Um, how do you, how do you think about those two components? Is it correct to think about it that these dynamics are masking what is underlying weakness in the economy and that's throwing a lot of red herrings in terms of people calling for recessions? How do you, how do you think about how that impacts the growth outlook?

Yeah, I do think that they, they, uh, weigh against each other significantly and that's one of the key things that makes this whole cycle different than prior cycles. Uh, so like, you know, kind of going back to my prior point, if you saw PMIs this low, like at or below 50, most of the time for for quite a while now, especially the manufacturing one, for this long, or the yield curve inverted this long, uh, or kind of rates this high and suppressing, if you look at say, bank lending activity, how long that was suppressed. Uh, if you look at senior loan officer surveys, so like the tightening of bank credit that happened, especially throughout 2022, a lot of these things would, in their own, especially collection of them, would point to a recession, which then we didn't have. And so one of the characteristics of like fiscally dominant economies is that they, in many cases, look more like emerging market recessions or emerging markets stagflations, which is to say, you don't necessarily, it obviously depends on the market, you don't necessarily have a big unemployment wave, but everyone feels poorer, or at least a lot of people feel poorer and they're not 100% sure why. Is it some combination of debasement, rising costs, uh, you know, lack of kind of tangible growth as far as they can see, and they might see in the numbers that there's bigger growth and like, well, I'm not seeing it in my life. Um, and so you have that, like if you look at say, 2022, if you look at the misery index, so the sum of inflation, price inflation and unemployment, the misery index reached recessionary levels, but of course, that was mostly the inflationary component. And you look today, we, you know, the misery index is pretty much, uh, it's not low, but it's in check. You have kind of that mid-level inflation, fairly low unemployment still, um, and yet consumer sentiment is is back near record lows, because you have this kind of slow affordability crisis happening. It's not any sort of acute thing. We don't see like an acute spike in initial jobless claims, but we see this kind of, uh, lack of, um, satisfaction with say, college graduates getting into the job market, especially in the, in the world of AI, and just generally, a lot of, a lot of sectors slowing. There's a lot of trouble areas in say, whether it's private equity, whether it's venture, whether it's private credit, commercial real estate, obviously, that's that's a surprise to no one. All these areas are on the weaker side, uh, and yet it's offset by rather large deficits, which are not targeting kind of that high impact sugar high type of thing. They're not going out to people with the highest, uh, propensity to spend, but they are hitting that kind of upper older portion on average. Uh, of course, some goes to the, you know, like Medicaid and and food stamps, stuff goes to the lower end, but the part that we're talking about is mostly going to that higher end, but then that does trickle out through their children, through, um, you know, their employees and things like that. It kind of gets out there. So, it still is a stimulus force, but it is that very K-shaped aspect to it. So, you get rising polarization, you get, uh, things running hotter for longer than you'd expect while you keep seeing cracks under the surface and all the bears are kind of like, why hasn't things broken yet? And it's because these are all against this really still large fiscally, uh, stimulus force, even though it's smaller than the, the slightly smaller than the fiscal force last year.

Yeah, I do wonder if, you know, typically we measure recessions by looking at real GDP growth as opposed to nominal growth. And, you know, for the past two decades, that's been fine because we've had such low inflation that looking at nominal versus real GDP growth, like barely mattered, the spread was so tight. But yeah, I wonder now, is it the right way to think about it, looking at negative real GDP growth, whereas we could be in an environment now where you have with so much inflation, you could have quite a positive nominal GDP growth, but it's negative on a real basis. I, I wonder, is that the right way to think about things? Like, obviously, it's, it's, it's missing the mark, which is just this misery index that you mentioned about just the fact that it's just, it's a terrible place to be in if you don't own assets that can keep up with inflation.

Yeah, I think we can, another way of looking at it is on a sector-by-sector basis. Um, so whether it's real or nominal or sector-by-sector, I basically, I do think that this is an environment you want to slice and dice it. Perhaps a similar example is is Canada, where when you look at the per capita metrics, uh, that really mattered compared to the national, uh, metrics, because you had, for a while, a pretty high rate of immigration. And of course, what people feel are the per capita statistics. If, if the economy is growing, but at an above average rate of, it is population growth, that doesn't feel like growth on the individual level. Um, and I have a, you know, when I, I sometimes analyze the economy of Egypt because I spend part of each year there. They've had pretty high population growth, they often point to pretty high even real GDP growth the way they report it. But one of the metrics I look at there is, um, energy consumption per capita. 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Yet, but you know, they have some flexibility for when they do it, but it's likely going to be somewhat soon. Uh and then in the coming months, they're likely going to go back to a period of mild balance sheet increases. Um now, probably on Twitter X, you'll see people saying, "Oh, like we're going to hyperinflate or oh, >> Q is here, QE infinity." >> Yeah. Yeah. Banks are failing or this is happening. Um I I'm in the camp that it'll be a relatively slow balance sheet increase.

Now, maybe down the line we have another crisis and and it ramps up again. But for this particular phase, I think we're entering a we're exiting a period of slow balance sheet reduction, perhaps entering a period of flatness for a little while and then and then most likely entering a period of uh you know gradual growth. Um the Fed has been putting out the New York Fed has been putting out papers for for you know years uh kind of forecasting this uh saying that you know and this one was based as a share of nominal GDP. So unlike the cash on one they were saying you know they they forecasted that by 2025 2026 uh the balance sheet reduction will end and then they'll they'll go to a period of balance sheet increases in line with GDP so you get a pretty flat uh share of GDP balance sheet increase um and then also specifically they they expected that they would continue to reduce mortgage back securities by letting them mature off the balance sheet and that they would but they would resume treasury purchases. uh and then over time a larger share of their balance sheet would tilt toward treasuries even as the overall pie is growing and that that is my base case. I think that they did forecast that pretty well. They they roughly know where their boundaries are uh and and then you know they have clues when they start to get closer like like you start to see usage of the repo facility. you start to see um spikes in uh you know uh collateralized lending rates um and uh so that that's when they know that their estimates are kind of becoming reality and I think yeah we're going to enter a period of of kind of persistent but mild balance sheet growth um and that it is pro- liquidity um but it's just one factor among many uh in markets to consider.

>> Okay, that was a great road map there. There's a couple semantics I want to get into with you and unpack and we'll talk about the balance sheet implications in a second, but for I just want to look at where we're at right now in terms of these funding constraints and and compare it a bit further to September 2019. So my understanding back then is we did not have a standing repo facility at the time. So the Fed actually had to make an announcement and go in and do repo operations. That's why, you know, it wasn't sofur at the time, but the the EFFR spiked so high um is because they weren't there with the standard repo facility. They had to actually announce it come in. So that's why we saw such a huge spike. This time they do have the standard repo facility there and they do it twice a day and it's it's ready to go if people need it to protect that upper bound. Now to your point that you've said, we started to see some regular uptake outside of just quarter end year end window dressing. So there's obviously some funding constraints, but is there anything to actually worry about right now in terms of liquidity crisis if the standing repo facility is there or is it just, you know, we could just keep going through this through the motions because to my understanding the Fed isn't too stressed to, you know, announce overnight that we need to end quantitative tightening like they did back then because there is the SRF there ready and available to loan if they need it.

>> Yeah, I agree with you. Uh there's basically no immediate acuteness here because of those sitting facilities. Basically, they've done a number of things that increased the fungeability between treasuries and similar collateral and cash uh in both directions. Uh and and what was also funny during the repo spike is that when they when the Fed came in with their facility, they actually had some sort of tactical issue at the time. So, it's almost like they misfired and had to like reload and shoot again because they they had to like dust off their tools basically. Um and so it was kind of a it's just a funny environment to go through in real time. U this time they have it already in place. There were also other factors back in 2019 that led to that being pretty um impulsive. So, uh there was a TGA refill. So, the Treasury was refilling their cash levels. And then you also had this this kind of cash repatriation wave which was um because some of the tax cuts in the in the prior year or two um encouraged companies to uh repatriate some of their cash. Um so you had kind of the pretty big demand from corporates for T bills uh for a period of time but then they used that for um share buybacks for the most part and so they no longer had that kind of repeating and so you kind of had a couple demand sources uh disappear uh pretty quickly while the treasur was also refilling their cash uh and then they didn't have this this standing facility set up and so you got this like little little sudden spike in repo rates uh and then they had to come in and put that out even then once they were putting that out with the reproductivity they didn't have to go to purchasing T bills right away now they did some weeks later but there's no like hard rule saying they couldn't wait another month if they wanted to they they would have just been doing more repo in the meantime uh and so this time because they have the facilities in place uh because you know TGA is already full so they're not going to just you know spike TGA higher all all at once now um because there's no major kind of corporate cash inflows, outflows going on as far as I can see. Uh it's more of this gradual buildup in in repo needs. Um now, so the Fed has a choice. I mean, you technically could say, "Look, we're going to do nothing for 3 months. We're going to continue quantitative tightening and we're just going to let the repo facility get used more and more." Um now, that's not their really preferred tool because it's kind of like using a temporary solution for what is becoming a a pretty persistent or permanent shortage in liquidity. So they are mo most likely going to put that out sooner rather than later. But there's no rule saying they have to because it's not an acute thing since they have those facilities in place.

>> Yeah. Yeah. But regardless, all all the roads are leaning towards balance sheet expansion. And I think yeah, to your point that as as that starts to occur over the next six months, people are going to start to lose their minds as you see that chart start to go up again. And yeah, I want to unpack a little bit about some of the implications there. So let's let's get our semantics straight. Quantitative easing to me is when the central bank buys anything of meaningful duration, let's say two to five years and higher. Um, and then there's this idea of buying T bills in exchange for central banks reserves. So either of those they're swapping for central bank reserves. But that the one that we're talking about that is likely to happen over the next six months is them swapping T bills with with central bank reserves to expand bank reserves. And I'm curious, let's let's start there on understanding some of the impacts of that on on liquidity. Obviously, it's not taking duration out of the market like you are when you're buying a 30-year Treasury and exchanging with a central bank reserves. That's a that's a meaningful duration uh swap, but if you're doing that between bills and reserves, to me, they're pretty equal. So, how do you unpack the contrast between those two?

>> Right. So, it's it's not it's not a direct impact on duration. Uh it is a direct impact on quantity. uh which is to say that if the Fed is not reducing their balance sheet or if they're outright decreasing it uh and a lot of T bills are coming to market market participants have to absorb those somewhere uh which means they have to not own another asset. Um now if the commercial banking system is absorbing them uh that's fine um because they you know they're doing it on fractional reserve but if they start to run into those pretty low cash levels then even they have trouble just keep gobbling up T bills and so then you have kind of non-levered or less levered entities having to absorb these T bills uh which which basically is almost a one for one not owning something else. Um and so when they swap reserves for T bills uh before the swap of course they they create the reserve out of out of nothing. So for the for the bank itself it's a neutral trade but for the market as a whole it is net liquidity entering the market at the at the base level. Uh and it allows basically the the continuation of banks buying treasuries. It allows the continuation of banks making loans uh without going below their either preferred or required liquidity thresholds that they have in various ways. Uh it's it's adding more kind of that that that base layer to the system. So of course we have we have two main layers of money. There's base money and then there's broad money. And the third layer on top of that is all securities built on top of that whole apparatus. Um and uh this basically gets rid of that base layer constraint. So we kind of squeeze everything until the the you know the the broad money was still growing, the overall amount of securization was still growing, but the leverage on that base was getting pretty significant and tight. And so once that base starts to go up again, it frees up those higher layers to some degree. So it is I would I would argue pretty pretty firmly it's it's net liquidity boosting. Uh but that's where the numbers matter. So if the balance sheet is increasing by 4% a year or 5% a year, uh that's different than when the Fed's doing QT I mean QE by like a trillion in a month like they were doing in COVID. And that's you know regardless of duration. Uh it's just size matters too. Um, and so, uh, the fact that they won't be targeting duration, uh, and or at least they most likely won't be, and the fact that, uh, it'll be mildly mild in size, uh keeps the overall effect in check, even though I would not be in the camp to say that it's irrelevant, um, or that it's not pro liquidity. It is just, you know, with constraints.

>> Yeah, that's a great outlook. Definitely. Yeah, agree with with the vast majority of that. Um, something also I've been thinking about is, okay, we go into this regime where balance sheet expansion, the Fed is entering the market as a new marginal buyer of T bills that has not been there for a few years now. And obviously, we've had the other side of that ledger of the past few years, which is what's been going on the Treasury side where, you know, it's been coined activist Treasury issuance where basically the Treasury has been tilting their issuance much more towards T bills to avoid issuing long-term debt because this the idea goes nobody wants to buy long-term deteration right now. Um if if they understand that the Fed is going to come in here and buy a lot more bills, to me that's a green light for Scott Bessant to say, "Okay, great. I'm going to go issue even more bills because I know that there's an even bigger buyer in that market now available. That means I don't have to issue even as much duration as there already wasn't." Um what do you think about that idea? I I sort of see that as being potentially stimulative.

>> I I do that is that is a potentially stimulatory thing. Uh now he he would be going against kind of prior statements which is that he wanted to kind of normalize uh their ratio of T bills. Um so that would be kind of somewhat of a field day on on Twitter next. Uh he he previously used the debt ceiling as one of his constraints saying you know we're not going to rush to that approach. Um and generally speaking when when a government shifts toward more short duration that is kind of like how fiscal dominance in a developed country gives you a certain emerging market characteristics. This is like another kind of mildly emerging market characteristic. So in an extreme sense when an emerging market doesn't have any demand for its bonds. It it often shortens its duration marketkedly. It can even turn over its whole government debt like with overnight paper if it has to. That's of course a very extreme scenario. So in this case it's the developed market version of that. So you just kind of get uh a a bigger than usual increase in in tea bills. Uh which it can be stimulatory, it can be inflationary, it can spook market confidence uh in in kind of the soundness of of this whole apparatus. Um because kind of Fed confidence and Treasury confidence are kind of a big component of all this. Um and but I I do think that those kind of things will happen. I think that we are in a regime of financial repression. uh it's not kind of like hard yield curve control, but it's it's it's kind of more softer tools. Even the fact that the Fed's going to be likely continue to reduce mortgage back securities, but then increase their Treasury holdings, um that's kind of placing their their thumb on the side of the the sovereign government, uh while while letting other rates potentially remain somewhat elevated or the spreads higher. Um and so I I do think that that's going to be a meaningful component. And what's also interesting is that I mean this this kind of brings us back to a regime that's not really been around since before the global financial crisis. So it used to be that the monetary base would grow slowly but persistently. Uh now back then it was a very different we didn't operate on under this ample reser reserves environment. Um and so banks mostly borrowed from each other. Um and even even physical cash bills were a bigger component just due to technological differences back then. people would lit bank runs would literally be people lining up to get cash out uh in many cases. Um and so basically the issue with that was that banks they didn't really have a lot of their own liquidity. They had to quickly trust other banks anytime they had uh any sort of liquidity shortages. Whereas in this environment they have higher baseline liquidity. They have higher cash relative to their assets than they used to pre global financial crisis. Um, and they also get paid on those reserves uh pretty substantially. Uh, and so we're going to have a a period that looks kind of like the pre- global financial crisis kind of persistent balance sheet increase uh but from a higher percentage of GDP and as a higher percentage of total bank assets uh which is also why interest on reserves is becoming a somewhat political topic. In addition to the Powell discussing quantitative tightening coming to an end, he also discussed kind of the importance of that tool to be available to him. Uh at least to the extent they want to be able to set rates that the way that they do. Um so I I think that that that will be a somewhat more stimulatory component than it was pre GFC because reserves including reserves that pay interest now are a pretty big percentage of of you know the economy and bank assets.

>> All right. So just to round up our conversation here, want to just get an update on the debasement trade, which has gone full mainstream now. Um I feel like I I see you as one of the original thought leaders of that over the past decade or so. You obviously wrote broken money which had a lot of crossurrens related to that, but the idea being that fiat currencies are all being debased to zero. Um so you should own hard assets, whether that's gold or bitcoin. Um among other things, we've seen gold have an awesome year so far. It's it's been pulling back recently after a pretty parabolic move there. Um, Bitcoin's been struggling a little bit, but starting to get some some momentum going there again recently. So, yeah, I would just love to hear about how you're thinking about the evolution of that that idea.

>> Uh, so yeah, I think that the basement trade is still in effect. It goes through different seasons. Um, you know, like I said before, so uh, in kind of the runup to COVID, you had a tightening of, uh, you know, the situation. Obviously, you know, they had the the repo spike in late 2019. That was kind of I would say that's it was kind of the beginning of the debasement trade as far as I saw it. Then you had of course the whole COVID era hyper stimulus. Uh then 2022 you had a a pretty big attempt to pull some of that back. So you got quantitative tightening, you got um you know fiscally f all the fiscal stuff, a lot of that evaporated. Um you got this kind of fiscal pullback. um 2023 uh and thereafter the the rising industry expands started to impact the government and the the demographics continued to age. You started to get this kind of rising uh fiscal situation again. Uh ongoing debasement trade even though the balance sheet was no longer a component of that. You had activist treasury issuance. So we're we're taking money out of reverse repos. We're putting that back into the system. And so you had this kind of interplay between the Fed and the Treasury for like three years where the the Fed was trying to gradually take liquidity out of the system. the treasur is kind of trying to put it back in mainly from the reverse repo facility. That was mostly just taking like unused liquidity and sticking sticking it back in, just kind of distributing it back out uh uh gradually. And now we're going to be entering a period where we're back into net baseline liquidity happening.

Now even during those three years, you still had banks levering up on treasuries. Uh so you had deficit spending fueled by fractional reserve which means it wasn't like one for one you know it wasn't like a private sector entity had to buy a treasury instead of buying a stock uh as long as banks were a pretty meaningful buyer of treasuries uh and doing so on fractional reserve. It wasn't that one forone replacement. So it wasn't as tight as as many people thought. Um so we we've kind of been persistently in this debasement trade other than maybe 2022. Um, and I think that's going to continue. Now, I think that that where that shows up best, uh, fluctuates. So, I think that I, you know, while I'm still long-term bullish on gold, I I do think it's somewhat overdone in the near term. If you would have asked me, you know, a couple years ago, I would have said, "Yeah, I could see 3,000." Uh, I didn't necessarily have 4,000 on my radar. Even as a bull, as someone who was long at this whole time, I would not have guessed we'd see, you know, well over 4,000 at one point, uh, this quickly. Uh uh I do think that Bitcoin I think that cycle is not done. I do think we're going to see higher prices of Bitcoin in 2026. Could be wrong on that, but that's that's certainly my base case. Uh because I think we'll see somewhat of a rotation there. Uh somewhat of an exhaustion in the gold market, somewhat of a a bid up uh in the Bitcoin space, especially now that a lot of those Treasury vehicle excessive valuations have been um you know kind of um deflated. Uh so that's not that's not really a headwind anymore. Um and I then I think a lot you know there still are pockets of equities that are interesting uh to benefit from the debasement trade. Uh while while some stocks are expensive and and many markets are kind of at very high levels I continue to be somewhat bullish on emerging markets um on a select basis um ironically think banks are not a bad place to be um longer term um because they've got high rates of cash and treasuries relative to total assets. So they're pretty they're pretty buffered from from shocks or kind of losses elsewhere. The K-shaped economy makes it so that even as some of their customers suffer, other customers are doing pretty fine. They're getting paid uh interest on what is probably going to be an increasing base of reserves uh for them. Uh and so there there are pockets I think to hide out here. I I think the basement trade continues just perhaps, you know, not as quickly as it you know certainly not as quickly as it did in 2020 2021. um perhaps not as quickly as it did in say 2023 um but I still think it's it's elevated and then it has that aspect to it where it's less cyclical uh it's just less of that kind of business cycle up and flow it's that higher floor we discussed earlier and that applies not just to economic situation uh but it applies to the debasement trade itself.

>> awesome that is a great update agree agree with a lot of it there um Lynn always great to get you on the show always a fascinating discussion really enjoyed that where can folks go if they somehow live under a rock and don't know where your research is.

>> Uh people can check me out on lindalton.com or they can check out broken money on Amazon or elsewhere. And uh thanks for having me on and hopefully we'll uh come across each other on X uh in the future.

>> Sounds good. Thanks a lot.